militia called the Virtual Activist Movement (MAV), which operated by infiltrating WhatsApp groups and disseminating disinformation (Nemer, 2019). Evidence surfaced from the 2018 campaigns that private companies— both foreign and domestic—were contracted for mass messaging services, including the Brazilian internet marketing company Yacows (Ricard & Medeiros, 2020). AM4 Company worked for Bolsonaro’s campaign to send bulk messages to 1,500 WhatsApp groups and “revert negative episodes in favour of Bolsonaro’s campaign” (Evangelista & Bruno, 2019). Other companies, including credit agencies such as Serasa Experian, sold databases for targeted advertisement, and even leaked databases from phone companies were used by parties to target users over WhatsApp. At least four companies— Yacows, Quickmovile, SMS Market, and Croc Services—were involved in digital advertising for political parties. In addition Steve Bannon, who was vice president at Cambridge Analytica and friend of the Bolsonaro family, collaborated with the campaign (Ricard & Medeiros, 2020). However, these activities were not the limit of private companies’ involvement in the campaign. Even though the private financing of political campaigns is prohibited in Brazil, Bolsonaro’s campaign was nonetheless largely financed by the private sector (Ricard & Medeiros, 2020). For example the businessman Paulo Maurinho was one of the people who financed the militia organized within pro-Bolsonaro WhatsApp groups to coordinate propaganda (Nemer, 2019). As Jair Bolsonaro has assumed the presidency, he has repeatedly used his social media accounts to disseminate propaganda, attack journalists, and even to divert public debate. Although the government has denied its existence, several accounts from whistle-blowers indicate there is a team of people within the offices of the President, coordinated by Eduardo and Carlos Bolsonaro and tasked with overseeing the creation and dissemination of disinformation and hate speech (Caccia Bava, 2020). Members of this group include not only bloggers, but also lawmakers and figures from the business community (Santana, 2020). This structure has been referred to as Gabinete do Ódio (in English, Cabinet of Hate) and is currently under stigation through a formal Comissão Parlamentar Mista de Inquérito (CPMI). Furthermore, according to Facebook, the pro-Bolsonaro page Bolsofeios, which targets opposition figures and disseminates hate speech was created with an IP address located in the Chamber of Deputies. Additional evidence on the telephone number and email registered on the admin of the page point towards Eduardo Guimarãe, the parliamentary secretary of deputy Eduardo Bolsonaro (PSL-SP) (Redação A Tarde, 2020). Other individuals also play critical roles in the development and dissemination of governmental propaganda. According to Nember (2019), Taíse de Almeida Feijó, a former employee at AM4 Company, was hired as an adviser to the Office of the Secretary General of the Presidency. Social media influencer Jouberth Souza, journalist Oswaldo Eustáquio, and blogger Allan dos Santos have also been identified as acting to spread disinformation favourable to Bolsonaro. They also own websites as well as accounts that amplify government’s propaganda (DFRLab, 2020). In July 2020, Facebook removed Instagram and Facebook accounts, pages, and groups based in Brazil that were involved in coordinated inauthentic activities targeting domestic audiences. According to the company, they "found links to individuals associated with the Social Liberal Party and some of the employees of the offices of Anderson Moraes, Alana Passos, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Flavio Bolsonaro, and Jair Bolsonaro" (Gleicher, 2020). 59