Table 1: Organizational Form and Prevalence of Social Media Manipulation in Bolivia
Initial
Government
Politicians Private Contractors Civil Society Citizens &
Report
Agencies
& Parties
Organizations Influencers
2016
National Direction of
IDEIA, Neurona
Luis Suarez
Networks within the
Ministry of
Communication
(during Morales’
presidency)
Source: Authors’ evaluations based on data collected. Blank spaces indicate no evidence was found.
Strategies, Tools, and Techniques
Under Morales’ government, its cybertroopers focused their social media activities on
identifying information and accounts that were critical to the government and countering their
narratives, as well as trolling the opposition («Analysis: Fires, fake news and “digital warriors”
roil Bolivia election race», 2019; Díaz Arnau, 2020a). However, there is not enough analysis
of their activities and strategies.
With the crisis triggered by the accusations of irregularities in the 2019 general elections in
2019, several journalists, academics, and activists examined and reported on the use of social
media manipulation techniques intended to support the interim government. Evidence of
trolling campaigns, the mass creation of new accounts for amplification, copypasta messages,
and disinformation have been seen in the last months of 2019. Campaigns were not only
targeted to local audiences but to foreign audiences as well.
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights reported the existence of a campaign aimed
at harassing former officials of Evo Morales’ government and activists of the Movement for
Socialism party (MAS) during the weeks of protests in 2019. Many of them were physically
harmed, with their homes looted or burnt down. Additionally, and in some cases prior to the
physical riots, their home addresses, telephone numbers, and other personal data were
disseminated through WhatsApp, Facebook, and other platforms. Independent and community
journalists were also targeted, and information about the hotels where foreign journalists were
staying at was also disseminated and many of them had to leave the country due to the lack of
security guarantees (Organization of American States, 2019).
Julián Marcías Tovar also identified at least 68,000 newly created accounts, activated between
18 October and 20 November, that supported the campaign against Morales— some of which
were already active before his resignation—and more than 25,000 were created on 11
December (Graph 1). They promoted and amplified a campaign in favour of the interim
government, spreading the appearance of a broad acceptance of the interim government
(Gallagher, 2019).
Additionally, according to researcher Rodrigo Quiroga, 23,900 new accounts created between
11 and 12 November 2019 followed Camacho, who increased his followers from 2,000 to more
than 135,000; similarly, Áñez increased her followers base from 8,000 to 168,000 (del Castillo,
2019). Some of these accounts also followed members of Morales’ MAS. However, their
tweets and interactions supported the interim government (del Castillo, 2019).
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