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Policy Brief No. 44
Toda Peace Institute
a request for comment. Indeed, the only major platform that seems to prioritise public transparency for its moderation process is Reddit, which, in 2018, gave New Yorker writer
Andrew Marantz access to its internal moderation meetings.)
Still, many employees at large platforms really do want to do the right thing and are struggling to develop solid, research-backed strategies that will work at unprecedented scale.
(Some platform employees contributed to this policy brief, but wish to remain anonymous.)
Meanwhile, in China, digital media platforms cooperate openly with the state. We know little
about the philosophy informing government control of those platforms, but right now, it
seems largely focused on preventing citizens from organising, and flooding the internet with
positive posts.
A 2013 study by King, Pan, and Roberts found that on Chinese social media, “Contrary to
previous understandings, posts with negative, even vitriolic, criticism of the [Chinese] state,
its leaders, and its policies are not more likely to be censored. Instead, we show that the
censorship program is aimed at curtailing collective action by silencing comments that
represent, reinforce, or spur social mobilisation, regardless of content.” A 2017 study by the
same researchers found that many, perhaps most, of the propaganda posts on Chinese social
media are simply “cheerleading” for China. Instead of outright censorship, this strategy
focuses on soaking up citizens’ attention with nice-feeling posts about the loveliness of
China and how lucky and grateful Chinese citizens are.
This sort of activity does not just affect China’s internal politics. For one thing, citizens of
other countries can and do use Chinese digital platforms. Indeed, many Chinese digital
platforms are now growing aggressively outside China. The data they have gathered, and the
control taken by the Chinese government, may now apply to millions of other countries’
citizens. And given that these platforms do not seem concerned about state censorship in
China, there is no reason to think they will hesitate to cooperate with authoritarian
governments anywhere else.
10. Positive Social Networks?: “Adaptive vs. Maladaptive,” or “ConnectionPromoting vs. Non-Connection-Promoting”
The recent years of fever-pitch moral panic brought ethics to the forefront of the global
conversation about digital media. Unfortunately, moments of moral panic are not ideal for
long-term thinking. But hopefully good things will emerge from the sustained public
pressure on tech companies we are now seeing.
Most past research concentrated on showing that platform problems exist, because the
problems were both frequently denied by tech companies and hard to understand, even for
experts. Today, tech companies are trying different solutions (which I outline in my next
brief, “Current Strategies and Their Discontents”). So is civil society, like NGOs whose
operations take place on digital platforms. But when solutions are backed by research, the
research largely is not transparent to the public.
So, what can research tell us about building a digital platform that does good things in the