186 Lisa Brooten International Journal of Communication 10(2016) Ethnic media also continued to grow, with early print publications such as the Shan Herald Agency for News, Kwe Ka Lu (a Karen newspaper), and Sanong Taing (a Mon publication) later adding an online presence and increasing their networking. When massive protests dubbed the “Saffron Revolution” broke out in 2007, and the military again responded with deadly force, the exile media published images and stories smuggled out of the country by journalists inside. The important work accomplished by both internal and exile media during decades of military rule remains underappreciated (Brooten, 2013a, 2013b; Pidduck, 2012), but it continues to be a key influence in the ongoing cultural transformation as these groups move back inside. Initially Myanmar’s private media feared these newly returned competitors would significantly affect the market, because their foreign funding means they do not need to compete similarly (several still complain about this). Also, on their return, a few senior formerly exiled journalists were engaged by the Ministry of Information and other government departments as consultants, frustrating some who saw the regime’s formerly staunch critics become cozy with the same generals in civilian clothes. But those initial tensions seem to have subsided as these groups reintegrate, protest alongside their colleagues for change, and struggle with the same, if not greater, concerns about their long-term sustainability, since many believe their funding may be cut after the 2015 elections. The introduction of cell phones and the Internet into Burma has shifted the media landscape, and despite the currently low Internet penetration rate (estimated to be between 1% and 3% of the population), new telecommunications firms and the government have pledged to rapidly increase broadband access and mobile penetration. Although the government used to block foreign news and other websites, since the recent changes it has been more relaxed. Journalists now use the Internet to report, network, and lobby for greater press freedom, and most news organizations have an online presence. Many government ministers, celebrities, journalists, and various public figures now have their own Facebook pages, where comments and discussions at times become sources for mainstream media news. A proliferation of hate speech in Myanmar in both social media and mainstream media has caused concern, especially after the Buddhist-Muslim violence that broke out in June 2012 and that has continued sporadically since, causing at least 280 deaths and displacing more than 180,000. This conflict has a long and complex history beyond the scope of this article, but in the postregime era, the demonization of Muslim Rohingyas by state-run and some private media reflects the “us-versus-them” rhetoric of the Buddhist nationalist monks. These media have also criticized the formerly exile media and international media for coverage they argue is biased toward the Rohingya. Facebook has been much worse, having become a forum for racial slurs, insults, and incitements to violence, provoking concerned discussion in the print and broadcast media. Tussles continue in the development of media legislation. In March 2014, after compromises and changes in both laws, the MoI-drafted Printers and Publishers Enterprise Act and the Myanmar Press Council–drafted News Media Law were passed by parliament. Critics dislike that the printers and publishers law does not recognize or protect the right to freedom of expression or press freedom and that the MoI retains the power to unilaterally grant, withhold, or revoke publishing licenses (Article 19, 2014). As MPC member U Thiha Saw explained, “we are not totally happy about both laws, but to a certain extent