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Philippines His supporters also spread narratives to undermine the credibility of the country’s election process251. Marcos Jr.’s victory is seen as democratic backsliding for the Philippines and raises concerns on how the country would fare with him as leader. As 2023 marked his first year in office, disinformation campaigns have been documented to continue to bolster his image. According to VERA Files, a prominent fact-checking news organization, Marcos Jr. has been portrayed as a strongman who fired public officials who undermined his policies252, 253. Some were allegedly dismissed for being part of the communist movement. Other problematic narratives surround the Maharlika Investment Fund (MIF), the country’s sovereign wealth fund established in 2023. The MIF was claimed to have come from the Marcos wealth stored across 170 banks around the world, and that it would be used to pay off all the country’s debts254. 251 252 253 254 255 256 VERA Files also found that a popular fictitious narrative is about the distribution of Marcos family’s wealth to the Filipinos, in order to paint Marcos Jr. as a benevolent figure. Spikes in the spread of this narrative were observed each time he went on an overseas trip, and when a foreign leader visits the country 255. Marcos’s frequent trips abroad during his first year in office was also seen as part of efforts to repair the family’s image256. Hyper-partisan media played a notable role during the election campaign period in 2022, particularly the Sonshine Media Network International (SMNI) which supported the Marcos-Duterte presidential tandem. As a TV broadcaster, its news reporting often red-tags people, and not to mention disseminate false and misleading information in general. SMNI is owned by Swara Sug Media Corporation (SSMC), the broadcast media arm of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ (KOJC) evangelical movement. KOJC is led by close Duterte ally Apollo Quiboloy, who calls himself as “the appointed son of God”. Quiboloy is also on the United States’ Operating The Propaganda Machine: Social Media Accountability in the 2022 Philippine Election. DigitalReach, 2023, digitalreach.asia/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/DigitalReach-Operating-the-Propaganda-MachineSocial-Media-Accountability-in-the-2022-Philippine-Election-Final.pdf. Berdos, Enrico, and Rhenzel Raymond Caling. “VERA FILES FACT CHECK YEARENDER: Propping up the Marcos Image Through Disinformation.” VERA Files, 18 Dec. 2023, verafiles.org/articles/vera-files-factcheck-yearender-propping-up-the-marcos-image-through-disinformation. Berdos, Enrico, and Rhenzel Raymond Caling. “VERA FILES FACT CHECK YEARENDER: How False Narratives and Clickbait Fabricate Marcos’ Image.” VERA Files, 18 Dec. 2023, verafiles.org/articles/vera-files-factcheck-yearender-how-false-narratives-and-clickbait-fabricate-marcos-image. Ibid. Ibid. Lopez, Elyssa. “Marcos Year 1: The ‘Son of Dictator’ Tours the World to Repair Philippine Image, Family Legacy.” PCIJ, 24 July 2023, pcij.org/article/10433/marcos-travels-year-one-repairing-philippineimage-post-duterte. 71

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Annual Report: Digital Rights in Southeast Asia 2023-2024

Report

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Language

English

Topic

Digital Rights
Digital Surveillance
Information Operation
Internet Connectivity / Accessibility
Internet Restrictions

Author(s)

DigitalReach

Date Published: Aug 6, 2024

Abstract: It is undeniable that information technology has significantly impacted human rights and democracy these days. Different governments around Southeast Asia continually attempt to control digital space through, for example, using repressive laws and regulations, forcing social media platforms to follow their orders, and using spyware and similar technology to surveil critics. In Southeast Asia, democracy and human rights have deteriorated because of these attempts, especially for countries under authoritarian regimes.

In order to better understand the situation, DigitalReach publishes annual reports to present and analyze the events and trends around the region. The 2023 annual report analyzes the digital rights situation in eight countries across Southeast Asia—namely Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam–from January 2023 to December 2023, with glimpses of key updates into 2024, given the timing of its release.

The report format has been changed completely from the previous years. In order to more systematically present the developments observed, the report is organized into three key areas: (1) Legal and Policy Developments, (2) Information Control and Manipulation, and (3) Threats Against Critics and Political Opposition.

From a regional perspective, legal and policy developments in countries that are known to restrict human rights are still mainly about using or coming up with new policies to further suppress human rights in the digital sphere. Countries considered to be more democratic also attempt to change or repeal their laws, but still without a clear sign of improvement toward digital rights.

In terms of information control and manipulation, social media platforms continue to be deployed for political ends, with different platforms serving a specific purpose for each country. The shift toward short video format, TikTok in particular, continued from 2022 to contribute toward information disorder, especially during election periods. The use of video shorts is important when targeting young voters, who played an important role in determining election results in Thailand and Indonesia this year like they did in the Philippines and Malaysia in 2022. State-sponsored cyber armies were also documented, while some governments preferred to assert more effective control of social media platforms. Other important methods related to the flow of information include suppression of media freedom and internet disruptions, which are particularly severe in Myanmar following the 2021 coup.

Judicial harassment is a key form of threat used against critics and political opposition in 2023. It is still common for people in Southeast Asia to be thrown in jail for what they say or do online. Others who do not subscribe to the government’s ideology face online harassment from state-sponsored cyber armies or government supporters. In terms of surveillance, 5 out of 8 countries included in this report have been found to have or are likely to have spyware technology.

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2023-Annual-Report-FINAL-1.pdf
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Myanmar Internet Project

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Annual Report: Digital Rights in Southeast Asia 2023-2024

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