to the ousted NLD government. The CRPH found itself in the position
of lagging behind an emergent revolutionary consciousness that aspired
to reach beyond NLD party incrementalism. To remain relevant, the
CRPH was forced to adapt its policies on the fly in conformity with new
collective aspirations. In the effort to step in front of an already moving
parade and reserve for itself the semblance of legitimacy to represent
the aspirations of the anti-coup movement, CRPH professed democratic
goals that had previously seemed beyond reach: abolition of the 2008
Constitution, forming a federal army with the ethnic armed organizations,
and remaking the polity as a federal democracy.
The rise of semi-autonomous administrative zones is another
example of how CRPH followed political activities already in motion
while solidifying leadership of the anti-coup movement. When wards
faced coordinated attacks from security forces or from thugs, residents
started to discuss in their neighbourhoods and on social media how to
defend their communities from attacks. Neighbourhood protection
associations spontaneously formed in the early weeks of February as a
defence against the military’s night raids and kidnappings. They started
building barricades and deployed watchmen. In some wards, every
household paid the fees to the night-watchers, while in others one person
from each family in the street or block would rotate taking night-watch
duty. Neighbourhood watches established channels for informationsharing through various social messaging apps—Messenger, Signal,
Zello, PTT Walkie Talkie—in addition to the pot banging alarm system
used when the military entered neighbourhoods when the Internet was
down at night.
These grassroots defensive techniques were soon mobilized to target
pro-military informers and local administrative authorities reporting
on the opposition from inside neighbourhoods. Ward and village
tract level administrative associations emerged and elected their own
representatives, ousting junta-aligned representatives from their posts. In
townships such as Thaketa, in eastern Yangon, households brought their
own padlocks to lock the military-controlled township administrative
office. Administrative replacements were selected through local
committee decision-making and, where necessary, funds were collected
to support individuals in their roles representing these new Pa-a-pha
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