Section 3 | RULES OF THE GAME Political analysts note that since the 2015 elections handed the NLD 60 percent legislative majorities in both houses, the government has tamped down the previously “assertive oversight of the executive” by the legislature and eliminated nonpartisanship.156 NLD lawmakers must submit their questions and motions for scrutiny by a committee that serves as a party whip before presenting to the legislature for debate, which has reportedly frustrated some of the more active NLD lawmakers.157 A description of the Pyithu Hluttaw from 2014 (“with its committees and commissions, [the lower house] wields the strongest power, frequently calling ministers and officials for questioning, altering legislation and often, ignoring the president’s suggested changes to legislation”158) is at complete odds with the institution today. The kinds of power plays seen in the past, like an nth-hour parliamentary motion to halt the telecom licensing process by protectionists who objected to foreign firms participating without local partners, have not been in evidence.159 Although a great deal of press following the 2015 parliamentary elections has been devoted to the marked change in the political parties represented—both the overwhelming NLD majority and the sharp decrease in representation of ethnic parties—female candidates also saw a historic level of success. In the 2012 parliament, 6 percent of elected MPs were women (4 percent if military appointees are included); in the 2016 parliament, the proportion of elected women MPs more than doubled to 13.6 percent160 (10.2 percent with appointed MPs).161 Although this is the lowest rate among ASEAN countries, it represents a marked improvement in the likelihood of follow-through should the national leadership elevate any gender equality issues within the NLD agenda. Kyaw Sein and Farrelly, Myanmar’s Evolving Relations. Ibid., confirmed by key informant interviews. Gwen Robinson, Myanmar’s Transition: Economics or Politics? Which Came First and Why It Matters (London: Legatum Institute Transitions Forum, 2014). 159 Niheer Dasandi and David Hudson, The Political Road to Digital Revolution: How Myanmar’s Telecoms Reform Happened, Development Leadership Program, University of Birmingham, 2017. 160 Paul Minoletti, Gender (In)equality in the Governance of Myanmar: Past, Present and Potential Strategies for Change (Manila: ADB, UKAID, and DFAT, April 2016). 161 Gender Equality Network and Global Justice Center, Report on Obstacles to Gender Equality in Myanmar. 156 157 158 Ending the Gender Digital Divide in Myanmar: A Problem-Driven Political Economy Assessment | 49