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within the countries. The Rohingya in Myanmar are widely considered to be aliens from
Bangladesh. They lack citizenship and thereby basic rights to health care, education and
freedom of movement, and have been targeted by extensive violence. Other Muslim groups
are officially recognised minorities, but face problems with access to identity cards, government jobs and resources, as well as widely held prejudices (ICG 2013). The escalation of
violence in Rakhine 2016–2017 made Muslims all over the country targets of hate speech.
Sri Lanka has a long history of peaceful coexistence between Buddhists and Muslims, which
was dramatically broken with the Easter attacks in April 2019 carried out by local Muslims
with links to IS. Long before that, Muslims had been accused of wielding undue political and
economic power, and were the target of violent attacks in 2014 and 2018. Violent Islamist
groups are a recent phenomenon in both countries. In Myanmar, Arakan Rohingya Salvation
Army launched attacks in 2016 and 2017, triggering the devastating military campaign
against Rohingya (ICG 2016). The 2019 Easter attacks were the first instance of global Islamist
violence in Sri Lanka, and prompted further hate speech, boycotts of Muslim business and
violence against Muslims and their property.
A countermovement for inter-religious coexistence
Peace movements in Myanmar and Sri Lanka
The strength of the Buddhist nationalist organisations and their spokespersons, and the
backing they purportedly enjoyed from political and military leaders and the general population, deterred challenges to them. Despite this, a number of initiatives for peace and
inter-religious coexistence make up what can be understood as a social movement opposing the Buddhist nationalist groups and anti-Muslim violence. This movement intersects
with, or makes up a continuation of, other movements. In Myanmar, many peace and interfaith activists have a background in the democracy movement. In Sri Lanka, leftist and
liberal movements – inside and outside the political system – have challenged Sinhalese
Buddhist nationalism since independence. Some civil society actors who mobilised for
interethnic understanding and a negotiated solution to the armed conflict have now
become central in countering the Buddhist nationalists. The availability of foreign aid has
been of some importance for the formation and maintenance of organisations working for
peace. In Sri Lanka, economic liberalisation in the 1970s brought an influx of foreign funding,
which in the 1990s increasingly was made available to civil society groups promoting peace
and human rights (Orjuela 2008). The end of the war in 2009 and the subsequent authoritarian turn led some donors to withdraw, leaving fewer resources to the peace NGOs.
Myanmar, with its military regime, was internationally isolated and largely lacked space for
civil society mobilisation. The cyclone Nagis, however, which killed 138,000 people in 2008,
brought about an opening for international aid and the creation of a local NGO sector. Steps
towards democratisation, culminating in the 2015 elections which brought National League
for Democracy (NLD) and Aung San Suu Kyi to power, generated a massive interest among
foreign donors to contribute to democratisation and peace, partly through civil society
support (Matelski 2016). Interfaith activities were a prioritised area for some Western donors.
There are overlaps between the movement against Buddhist nationalism and initiatives
for peace related to the peace process between the government and ethnic rebel groups
in Myanmar, and post-war reconciliation in Sri Lanka.