fundamentalisms, as we have seen, thrive in contexts of economic inequality and today’s actors are able to cause and sustain it, benefit from it, and weaponize it. And so, the idea that fascisms and fundamentalisms in the region are “simply the way things have always been” prevents us from making important observations that could aid the feminist movement’s action. Not only that, it reinforces geopolitically biased, colonial ideas about where ‘democracy’ is ‘natural’ and where it is not. These ideas often favor the global North or the ‘West’, and so it is important for feminist movements to point to the troubled history of democratic efforts at governance across the world, where attempts at ‘democracy’ have always faced challenges from fascist, fundamentalist and authoritarian actors who rely on military interventions. This is compounded by the reality that fascist and authoritarian elements have also, at times, historically been embedded in ‘good’ governments, even during periods of progress and within progressive, broadly democratic bodies. Cross-regional feminist coordination, therefore, is urgently needed. Many feminist actors in the region are already urgently engaging with these intersecting crises, as we have illustrated throughout this paper. It would also be helpful for Asian feminist movements to continue to engage in coordination with other feminist movements across the globe. For example, increasing their engagement with and contributions to other global majority feminist analysis and scholarship, such as working with the framework of ‘anti-gender and anti-democracy’ actors, largely introduced into discourse by Latin American feminists. Such frameworks, which help connect the dots between our crises and our regions, could help pragmatically and politically unite feminist actors and actions. This becomes ever more urgent, as growing numbers of influential actors who identify as ‘feminists’ join the ranks of far-right, fascist and fundamentalist movements.257 Such trends have forged a critical conversation within feminist movements about ‘fascist feminism,’ examining how feminist agendas can be appropriated or adapted towards fascist and anti-democratic agendas. Many feminist scholars and researchers have already shown how fascist feminisms existed long before the current trends towards the far-right. 258 The rise of fascist 257 Provost, C. & Whyte, L. (2018). Why are women joining far-right movements, and why are we so surprised?. OpenDemocracy. https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/women-far-right-movements-why-are-we-surprised/ 258 Wolf, N. (2014). Fascism with a Feminist Face. Project Syndicate. https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/ naomi-wolf-examines-the-rise-of-women-to-leadership-positions-in-major-far-right-european-political-parties 71