5/25/22, 3:47 PM
Has Facebook censored Myanmar’s commander-in-chief? | Frontier Myanmar
appears that Facebook concurs, which is why it immediately deleted 18 accounts and 52 pages just
minutes after the launch of the UN report.
Facebook is not a country and arguably
therefore does not have a direct obligation
under international law to delete incitement.
Facebook does have its Community Standards
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that it claims to enforce. However, the more
existential concern to the company is that any
country in which Facebook is based, such as the
United States, has a legal obligation to hold
Facebook liable and prosecute it if unlawful
speech is not deleted. This obligation is clearly
far more pressing if it concerns incitement to
genocide.
Given the speed with which Facebook acted, they were evidently prepared for the UN report to
castigate them and had decided that the best course of action was to remove the content in question.
The UN report would be a significant source of evidence if proceedings were launched against
Facebook, and its lawyers were likely warning of this legal risk – not to mention the risk of global
news headlines yet again denouncing the company and its CEO, Mr Mark Zuckerberg.
But in accepting the UN report’s implied allegation that certain posts were unlawful, was Facebook’s
decision to take down entire accounts and pages – rather than individual posts containing unlawful
speech – a proportionate response? This is important because a disproportionate response would
mean that Facebook’s reaction was a violation of military leaders’ right to freedom of expression.
Many free speech activists in Myanmar believe that Facebook’s reaction was a violation. Facebook is
such an important public space in the modern world, especially in Myanmar, that a complete ban on
people would always be disproportionate. Furthermore, Myanmar’s public have a right to know what
senior military leaders think, given how powerful they are in the country.
However, while this argument would be a powerful one in most countries, it is less so in Myanmar.
Why? Because Myanmar’s military owns several television stations and newspapers. Establishing
whether a person still has the ability and opportunity to express themselves is an important factor in
assessing whether a violation of the right to freedom of expression has occurred. In this case,
Facebook’s decision will in effect hinder but not prevent senior military leaders from communicating
with the public while they have a range of other channels through which to do so. It will also not stop
members of the public hearing from them.
Whether or not Facebook’s reaction was proportionate will become clearer in September after the
publication of the UN’s full report and the evidence within. It would also be very useful if Facebook
could similarly publish any examples of incitement, so that the Myanmar public could understand
their decision too.
Hopefully, Facebook’s ban on the Myanmar military won’t overshadow who is really being silenced –
critical voices and independent media, exemplified by jailed Reuters journalists Ko Wa Lone and Ko
Kyaw Soe Oo.
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