PEACEWORKS 92 Table 2.   Ethno-Political Conflict: Problems and Outcomes Knowledge Attitude Existing Problem Desired Outcome  on-Bamar ethnic cultures, histories, and grievances N misunderstood  enuine understanding of other ethnic cultures, G histories, and grievances  ontrasting understandings of history between ethnic C groups (particularly as related to conflict)  etter appreciation of the unique histories of different B ethnic groups Non-Bamar collective memory of abuse and broken promises  on-Bamar trust in both government and Bamar majority N and awareness that means to rectify injustices are available Bamar paternalism  amar respect for other ethnic groups’ right to B self-determination Bamar and military belief in unity via assimilation Conflicting aspirations (national unity versus ethnic autonomy) Other groups seen as equal partners in Myanmar transition Myanmar belief in unity in diversity  nified vision for Myanmar’s future based on federalism U and both resource and power sharing Bamar negative stereotypes of other ethnic groups Positive stereotypes of all ethnic groups Non-Bamar ethnic group negative Bamar stereotypes Non-Bamar victim mentality Behavior Mistrust  on-Bamar trust in government and Bamar majority and N means to rectify injustices Culture of violence Trust in political process State discrimination against non-Bamar ethnicities Discrimination not tolerated Violent suppression of non-Bamar ethnicities Peaceful political participation to achieve goals Ethnic-based separatist insurgency tween Buddhist and Muslim communities have surfaced before—but its modern incarnation appears more virulent. Before the current transition process, reporting on communal violence occurred only through the state media, which did not allow the same scope and spread of information as the current online and legacy media space. Beginning in Rakhine State in July 2012, after a picture of a Buddhist woman who had allegedly been raped was circulated by local media, incidents of physical violence between Buddhist and Muslim communities have occurred in Okkan, Meiktila, Lashio, Thaton, and elsewhere.3 Hundreds have been killed and more than 150,000 displaced in this violence.4 International commentary often presents the violence as the result of interreligious tensions between an aggressive Buddhist majority and a persecuted Muslim minority. Religion is a convenient oversimplification to discuss the conflict but tends to obscure the separate and interconnected social, economic, and political causes—each with discernible knowledge, attitudinal, and behavioral elements. According to multiple expert interviewees, an important root cause of the conflict is the perceived threat to Buddhist identity and power posed by the gradual permeation of Muslim people, culture, and religious practices in both Myanmar and Asia as a whole. The Buddhist faith has historically been a central pillar of nationalist policy. According to Buddhist and Muslim interviewees, modern-day Buddhists sometimes perceive Islamic values as antithetical to their own and fear that the proliferation of this identity will distort the culture and values of Myanmar society. In the words of one interviewee, “Buddhism needs protection from outside influence. Other countries are losing Buddhist influence, and we don’t want that here.” 12  USIP.ORG