media and conflict in myanmar: opportunities for media to advance peace NGO worker, “Burmans got brainwashed that federalism equals disunity [and that] we should crush Kachins as a result.” According to interviewees, widespread misunderstanding remains among the Bamar majority regarding the aspirations of non-Bamar groups. One interviewee joked, “On the day the media can spell my name correctly, that’s when we have ethnic equality.” Non-Bamar ethnic groups, on the other hand, especially in rebel-held areas, often harbor negative stereotypes of Bamar people and may not distinguish between the people who have occupied their lands militarily (who may or may not be Bamar), those who govern the country, and the Bamar ethnic group as a whole. One interviewee mentioned that the only Bamar he had ever met were carrying guns. In short, negative stereotypes abound on both sides and are often reinforced by media. After decades of fighting and broken promises, mistrust is high, especially from ethnic nationalities toward the government and, in some instances, the Bamar majority. Human rights abuses, displacement, and trauma associated with long cycles of war have deepened the sense of injustice felt by some non-Bamar communities. Confidence in the cease-fire process has been further weakened by ongoing clashes in parts of the country technically under cease-fire, particularly in Kachin and northern Shan states. Meanwhile, Tatmadaw units have yet to withdraw from outlying states and in some cases have increased their presence during the cease-fire process. Many interviewees on all sides of the ethnic divide suggested that the government is saying one thing about the reforms and the military is doing another. The political process has not delivered a viable solution to this problem in six decades, so despite the strong desire for peace on both sides, violence remains for some a more viable means of fulfilling aspirations. “We have a culture of arms,” said one government interviewee. “It’s easier because you can put all of your feelings and emotions into violence, but politics is much more difficult.” It will be a long time before Myanmar’s ethnic communities on all sides have the trust and confidence to truly reconcile and address past injustices and resolve the fundamental causes of ethno-political conflict. Cease-fires are only the first step in an extended process to resolve the country’s ethnopolitical disputes. To achieve peace, the country will have to go even further. Comprehensive political agreements will need to be reached that fundamentally alter the country’s political and governance structures and redistribute political and economic power more equitably among ethno-political groups. In addition to structural alterations, deep-rooted attitudinal changes will be needed. Comprehensive transformation will take generations, not years. The proposed media initiatives seek to raise awareness and change attitudes in support of peacebuilding and reconciliation between ethnic groups by promoting better understanding of the language, history, and aspirations of other ethnic groups; a national identity based on unity in diversity rather than unity via assimilation; and trust in the political process to deliver the rights, resources, and political aspirations of all people. As one youth activist said, “We can promote our unique cultures, but we live in the same house.” The knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors associated with ethno-political conflict are summarized in table 2 along with the intended outcomes that the proposed media initiatives will target. Outcomes are discussed further in the media initiatives section. Intercommunal Violence The opening of the information space has had important implications for conflict, notably in the contribution of information as a driver of communal violence in 2012 and 2013 that broke out between Buddhist and Muslim groups across the country, particularly affecting Muslim communities who were the overwhelming victims. This phenomenon is not new—tensions be- USIP.ORG  11