coup, other pages such as the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), 18 formed by former political prisoners from Burma in exile, and Justice for Myanmar, 19 both build on pre-existing covert activism and advocacy.20 Then there are, of course, the Facebook accounts of ordinary citizens which were converted into sites of activism and resistance. Facebook, Twitter and even Telegram became key sites for the uploading and circulation of images and videos of protests across the country, as well as military excesses against protestors and journalists. Further, as sites of debate and discussion, they were also used strategically as a platform to gain international attention to the issue, as well as raise international support. This was done through extensive sharing of political cartoons, mostly targeting the Tatmadaw.21 The platforms also served as a repository of information and resources to assist protestors in and for their personal safety. For instance, there were posts and articles about whom to contact, what to do and who to call if someone gets arrested; how to get VPN access; best practices for social media behaviour; and crowdfunding options. Social media also became a site for digital literacy, with more seasoned users helping new arrivals to Twitter learn how to quickly navigate and use the platform. It also became a site for spreading critical digital literacy, with information on identifying fake news and misinformation; how to avoid sharing inaccurate information; and being civil and courteous online, among other things.22 Solidarity Since the movement became increasingly broad-based and cut across ethnic divides, the Facebook groups and activity reflected a cross-section of society, and prominent online actors included members of civil society, youth and university students as well as the Burmese diaspora. The increased involvement of the youth was a ray of hope, particularly for the diaspora, who marvelled at their courage and creativity in fighting the regime. In the early stages, pop culture (such as the three-fingered salute) was incorporated into the protests, as were song and dance routines, shared online to influence and encourage supporters. 18 19 20 21 22 Facebook Page, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), https://www.facebook.com/ burmapoliticalprisoners/. Facebook Page, Justice for Myanmar, https://www.facebook.com/justiceformyanmar.org/. Lisa Brooten, “Myanmar’s civil disobedience movement is built on decades of struggle”, East Asia Forum, 29 March 2021, https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2021/03/29/myanmars-civil-disobedience-movement-isbuilt-on-decades-of-struggle/. One such cartoon was tweeted by Deputy Asia Director Human Rights Watch Phil Robertson on his Twitter account. The cartoon depicts Myanmar military’s human rights violations. https://twitter.com/Reaproy/ status/1361160699171377152/photo/1. A Burmese academic in the United States who has been closely following the protests noted that while there was recognition that some protest tactics didn’t fall in line with critical digital literacy best practices, the larger goal of freedom outweighed these considerations. Particularly when seen against the military excesses, it was not the right moment to raise this issue, as protestors were already sacrificing too much. 5