26 Matthew J. Walton and Susan Hayward know the jewels of Buddhism; this logo is designed to remind them” (Galache 2013). Some of the literature put out by 969 even includes instructions for praying and recitation (Galache 2013). Buddhists in Myanmar keenly feel the pressure to compete with other modern distractions in ensuring that younger generations learn the basics of the religion and see the value in donations to monasteries, material support of monastics, and even advanced scriptural study. “We need to emphasize Buddhist ethics…At this point we are weak in teaching Buddhist tradition and culture, so our antibody is weak. If you do not understand your Buddhist tradition, an attack can come. I can see a lot of weaknesses in us, and it makes me sad. We need to develop a curriculum and teach kids,” noted a monk based outside Mandalay.27 This has been, of course, a common concern in modernizing societies, but is particularly felt in contemporary Myanmar as the country rapidly opens up after decades of relative isolation. Buddhist Sunday schools created by MaBaTha, as well as related religious education programs for public schools developed by associated monks and other groups, have gained widespread popularity in the past two years (Marshall 2013a). Even when presenting the purpose of 969 as the development and propagation of Buddhism, its supporters have used language that reflects their understanding of the ways in which the religious and political communities are necessarily interconnected. A businesswoman who donates to U Wimala, one of the more vocal and active 969 monks, stated, “I want children to learn the dhamma (Buddhist teachings), improve their manners, and protect the nation and religion” (Marshall 2013a). In her formulation, to be an effective defender of Buddhism and the Burmese nation, a child must first have a strong grounding in Buddhist teachings. Because supporters insist that the primary objective of the movement is to defend Buddhism, it also creates a space for monastic political action, something usually frowned upon in the Burmese tradition. One of the ways in which monks have historically justified political engagement has been to frame it as part of their necessary monastic duties of protecting and spreading the religion. In the Theravada tradition, education has traditionally been the province of monastics. Although their control of this field has waned since the colonial period, it is still universally accepted that monks ought to be teachers of the