54 Matthew J. Walton and Susan Hayward 8. Some note that the outsiders who come in and lead the violent attacks are reminiscent of “Swan Arshin,” a paramilitary-like group of thugs (usually young men) who were used in the past by the ruling regime to intimidate the population and to break up protests. 9. See, for example, The Economist 2013. For a more nuanced example that does not provide evidence of present government or military involvement, but does effectively place the current violence in historical context, see Kyaw Win 2014. 10. See Turner (2009), Schober (2011), and Walton (2012, 15). 11. See Schober (1997) and Houtman (1999). 12. Donating alms to monks is one basic way for Buddhists to make merit: that is, to perform actions that will ideally bring good results in the future, either in this life or in future rebirths. The practice of “turning over the alms bowl” functions as a religious or spiritual boycott among Buddhist monastics. 13. The UN estimated that 30–40 monks and 50–70 civilians were killed, although some reports have suggested significantly higher totals (UN News Centre 2007). 14. In addition to the economic stagnation in the country resulting, in part, from Western sanctions (coupled with the former regime’s terrible economic policies), some have argued that the Arab Spring revolutions, echoing as they did the Saffron Revolution, in fact drove the regime’s rulers to decide that it was in their interest to advance a transition on “their own terms.” Others have pointed out that the regime has hewed relatively faithfully to its own “Roadmap to Discipline-Flourishing Democracy,” which was initiated in 2003 by General Khin Nyunt and contained all the elements of the current transition, including a constitutional referendum and elections for national and state/regional parliaments. 15. Interviews in Kachin state, August 2012. 16. See, for example, the video of the Galon-ni Sayadaw, a prominent Mandalay monk, telling rioters to disperse (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A92tS9xw0j4). It is worth noting that Galon-ni Sayadaw himself is a member of MaBaTha. 17. Interview in Yangon, July 2014. 18. Interviews in Yangon and Mandalay, July 2014. 19. As an indication of how complex and seemingly contradictory Burmese political platforms can be, one of the main parties supporting the legislation has been the National Democratic Force (NDF), initially a breakaway party from the opposition National League for Democracy (Irrawaddy 2013a). 20. Interview in Mandalay, July 2013. 21. Interview in Mandalay, July 2013.