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Matthew J. Walton and Susan Hayward
Religious and political leaders have also employed “defense of the
sasana” arguments in contemporary democratic contexts in order to
justify bloody, anti-democratic policies, particularly violence against
non-Buddhist religious groups perceived as a threat to Buddhism. In
contemporary Sri Lanka, some nationalist monks exhorted the Sinhala
Buddhist–led government to press the prosecution of the war against
the Hindu and Christian Tamil insurgency group the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam), using imagery that invoked the legacy of
Dutthagamani (the war was brutally won by the government in 2009).
They were following in the footsteps of the controversial Sinhalese
monk Walpola Rahula, who, in legitimizing monastic participation
in politics in the 1970s, also commented approvingly on the belief of
Dutthagamani’s arahant advisors that “the destruction of human beings
[for the purpose of protecting the religion] was not a very grave crime”
(Rahula 1974).
The “protection of the sasana” argument does not need to be explicit in cases like Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar, where the identity
of the Buddhist majority effectively overlaps with the national identity.
Calls to “defend the motherland” in these countries might appear to
be simply nationalistic, yet the long-standing connection in Buddhist
political thought between the integrity and strength of the state and
the health of the religion suggests that many people view these conflicts
through a religious lens.
Recent incidents of thousands of Buddhist monks marching in antiMuslim protests across Myanmar reinforce the idea that the purification
of the state and the protection of the sasana are coterminous processes.
The 969 movement’s “Buy Buddhist” campaign urges Myanmar’s Buddhists to strengthen the sasana against expansionist Islam by patronizing
only Buddhist-owned and -operated businesses; its logic suggests that
one must protect Buddhism by economically punishing local Muslim
populations and driving Islam completely out of the country. According
to U Wirathu, the movement “is about protecting the religion, but also
protecting the nation, the race, the country. It’s not just about protecting the sasana, but protecting the country.” This rhetoric reinforces the
notion that the well-being of the religious and political communities are
inextricably intertwined.23 The argument for the defense of the sasana
is compelling and difficult to refute since no Buddhist can afford to be
accused of failing to defend the religion. The recent conflicts in Myan-