amendments to the Indian Penal Code by the insertion of Sections 153C and 505A, expanding the scope
of hate speech laws in India, including by explicitly
recognising hate based on sex, gender identity, sexual orientation or disability, among others.
In October 2017, the Internet Freedom Foundation released a leaked copy of another report: the
recommendations of an expert committee headed by
TK Visvanathan, which was formed after section 66A
of the IT Act was struck down as unconstitutional.151
This report proposes further changes to both draft
provisions proposed in the Law Commission report
on hate speech, including to make explicit that these
sections apply to communications on the internet
as well. While these changes overall are improvements over the proposals by the Law Commission, its
proposed new section 505A of the IPC, in particular –
and contrary to what the report claims – continues to
suffer from the same issues of vagueness and overbreadth that afflicted section 66A of the IT Act.
For example, many of the terms used to describe
communication that would be criminalised under
the section are imprecise and nebulous. Similarly,
although the proposed section specifies that there
needs to be an “intention to cause fear of injury”
or an “intention to cause alarm”, this qualification
arguably does not pass the “clear and present danger” test. In Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, the
Supreme Court had ruled that discussion or even
advocacy of a cause was not sufficient to justify any
restriction on the right to freedom of speech and
expression; only when this reaches the level of incitement does Article 19(2) apply.
A number of other laws and policies that are
currently in the drafting stage have the potential
to negatively impact the right to freedom of speech
and expression on the internet in the future as well.
The Draft Prohibition of Indecent Representation of Women and Children Bill, 2012,152 sought to
widen the scope of its parent act to include communications made over electronic media. The bill
proposed new definitions for “indecent representation of women”, “electronic form” and “publish”.
This bill released by the Ministry of Women and
Child Development is still pending.
The Ministry of Home Affairs released the Draft
Geospatial Information Regulation Bill153 in 2016,
151 TK Visvanathan Committee. (n/d). Recommendations of TK
Visvanathan Committee. New Delhi: TK Visvanathan Committee.
https://internetfreedom.in/files/documents/recommendations.
of.t.k.visanathan.committee.pdf
152 www.prsindia.org/billtrack/the-indecent-representation-ofwomen-prohibition-amendment-bill-2012-2576/
153 www.prsindia.org/uploads/media/draft/Draft%20Geospatial%20
Bill,%202016.pdf
and called for comments from all stakeholders. The
bill sought to regulate the acquisition, publication,
modification and dissemination of any representation of spatial attributes of India. After business
interests and user groups across the country sent
comments against the proposed bill, there have
been no developments. This bill would have affected several internet-age businesses involved in
logistics management, humanitarian relief efforts
and, of course, users, and would limit freedom of
speech by limiting their use of maps.
The Draft National Encryption Policy 2015154
released by the Department of Electronics and
Information Technology sought to increase the
security of the internet and related information systems by regulating the strength of encryption that
may be used. However, the policy if implemented
would have imposed great burdens on users and
businesses to store in plaintext any information
exchanged via electronic media for up to 90 days
after the communication was made. Contrary to the
stated objectives, such a policy would have been
disastrous to the security of communications and
information networks, and to user privacy.
At present, although this does not seem to be
enforced, telecom licences disallow ISPs from using
bulk encryption, as well as prescribing a maximum
40-bit encryption for individuals, groups or organisations without obtaining permission from the
government. For stronger encryption, prior permission from the government is required and the
decryption key, split into two parts, is to be deposited with the government.
Following the unanimous verdict by the nine
judges of the Supreme Court in KS Puttaswamy v.
Union of India,155 we can expect legislation on data
protection in the near future. The judgment also affirms that the right to privacy, which is enshrined in
the right to life, affects the enjoyment of the right
to freedom of speech and expression under Article
19(1)(a).
Summary and conclusions
While the Shreya Singhal judgement might have
signified an important victory for freedom of
expression in the digital space in India, many challenges remain. Criminal defamation is used all too
often by powerful actors to silence critical voices.
Laws regarding sedition and the protection of national symbols are misused to curtail political
dissent. Provisions regarding hate speech often reward those who respond with threats of violence to
154 www.netzpolitik.org/wp-upload/draft-Encryption-Policyv1.pdf
155 KS Puttaswamy v. Union of India. WP (CIVIL) 494 of 2012.
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