they are “patently offensive” or “of no redeeming
social value” and whether or not those involved
have consented.
Moreover, where those under 18 years old are
concerned, sexual expression is always criminalised in India. Section 67B of the IT Act and sections
13 and 14 of the Protection of Children from Sexual
Offences Act, 2012, seek to fight the production,
circulation and consumption of child sexual abuse
images. Unfortunately, however, the sections in
their current wording also criminalise images of
a sexual nature that are shared with consent by
young people who are in a relationship with each
other; none of the provisions provides for an exception in these cases.
Such provisions criminalising all sexual expression further contribute to the portrayal of
sexuality as inherently corrupting, while disregarding the importance of consent in any sexual act or in
the creation, circulation and publication of images
of such acts. In this way, they help to keep existing
power relations and their associated conceptions of
morality intact. If the writ petition of Kamlesh Vaswani currently under consideration in the Supreme
Court is successful, this will only further exacerbate
this situation: Vaswani has asked the court not only
to ensure that all pornography will be blocked in India, but also that even watching pornography in a
private place will be criminalised and will, in fact, be
made a non-bailable, cognisable offence.88 For the
moment, while creating, circulating or publishing
pornography is illegal, its consumption in private is
deemed not to be.
It is notable that section 67A IT Act does not
have an equivalent under any other law book in
India, meaning that this crime, with its severe sentences, exists only when electronic media are used.
Moreover, section 67A IT Act, too, is non-bailable
and cognisable, meaning that the barriers to be
charged with this crime are few. Perhaps this is
what explains why the provision was slapped on
a man who had tweeted a 2012 picture of Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis holidaying
on a yacht with his family to suggest that the Chief
Minister was squandering taxpayers’ money while
on an official tour to the United States in 2015.89
Where sexual expression remains largely taboo,
tools to censor it lend themselves easily to misuse
indeed.
88 Kamlesh Vaswani v. Union of India & Ors. WP (Civil) 177 of 2013.
89 Bose, A. (2015). A Man Just Got Arrested for Tweeting Chief
Minister Devendra Fadnavis’ Family Photograph. Huffington Post.
http://www.huffingtonpost.in/2015/07/11/mumbai-fadnavistwitter_n_7774592.html
Intellectual property rights
Intellectual property rights are governed under dedicated legislations such as the Indian Copyright Act,
1957, the Trademarks Act, 1999, the Patents Act,
1970, and amendments to these Acts.
Issues of intermediary liability as they relate to
intellectual property rights infringement will be addressed in the sub-section on intermediary liability,
below. There have also been attempts, on occasion,
to use these Acts to directly penalise speech and
expression online. We earlier referred to Tata Sons
Limited. v. Greenpeace International & Anr.,90 for example, in which the Tata Group sued Greenpeace, an
NGO, for defamation and trademark violation when
Greenpeace released an online videogame called
Turtles v. TATA as part of a campaign against Tata’s
port on beaches in Orissa, as the port was harming
olive ridley turtles. The suit was not successful.
A more common concern for free speech on the
internet where India’s intellectual property rights
regime is concerned is the passing of “John Doe”
orders by courts. Exercising powers under section
151 of the Civil Procedure Code, courts order the
blocking of named and unnamed parties, often for
copyright infringement.
For example, as noted earlier, when the producers
of Bollywood movies Lipstick Under My Burkha and Jab
Harry Met Sejal approached the Madras High Court in
2017, more than 2,600 websites were blocked as part
of an injunction order for copyright infringement. The
order required blocking of entire websites, and not
just specific URLs that have infringing content.91
This is common in the case of “John Doe” or
“Ashok Kumar” orders, in which copyright holders
(often producers of Bollywood movies or owners
of broadcasting rights for large-scale events) approach courts to pass blocking orders, ex parte,
against named and unnamed parties who may be
publishing copyrighted works of the petitioners.92
These orders have been found to affect legitimate
online businesses and non-infringing websites.93
90 CS(OS) 1407/2010.
91 Joshi, D. (2017, 10 August). Madras High Court Issues ‘Ashok Kumar’
Order to Block the Internet Archive + 2649 Websites. Spicy IP. https://
www.spicyip.com/2017/08/madras-high-court-issues-ashok-kumarorder-to-block-the-internet-archive-2649-websites.html
92 The principles and procedures evolved and the justification
for arraigning unnamed defendants has been argued in a
series of posts by the Centre for Internet and Society. See, e.g.
Padmanabhan, A. (2014, 30 January). Can Judges Order ISPs
to Block Websites for Copyright Infringement? (Part 1). Centre
for Internet and Society. https://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/
john-doe-orders-isp-blocking-websites-copyright-1
93 Basheer, S. (2016, 24 August). Of Bollywood “Blocks” and John
Does: Towards an IP Ombudsman? Spicy IP. https://spicyip.
com/2016/08/of-bollywood-blocks-and-john-does-towards-aneutral-ombudsman.html
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