Myanmar’s Military Struggles to Control the Virtual Battlefield Crisis Group Asia Report N°314, 18 May 2021 Page 29 tinue to operate in Myanmar. Leaving the country, however, would mean both abandoning their investment and depriving users of their services. Nevertheless, companies operating in Myanmar should, to the extent possible, push back against the military regime’s diktat, both publicly and privately. The military is increasingly difficult to influence because it is so focused on survival, but a combination of direct, behind-the-scenes lobbying and public collective action is the approach most likely to have any positive effect. Joint statements, including through foreign chambers of commerce, also offer the chance to publicly raise concerns, which reduces (though does not eliminate) the risk of being singled out for retribution by Naypyitaw.137 For their part, civil society organisations working on digital rights should appreciate the challenges that technology businesses, particularly mobile operators and service providers, are facing, and try to build alliances with those that are committed to improving digital rights and protecting their users, such as Telenor.138 The regime’s push to establish an intranet creates a further ethical dilemma for businesses already operating in Myanmar, particularly mobile operators and internet service providers. Agreeing to whitelist applications might benefit users, for example by giving them access to mobile banking applications, but also contributes to perpetuating internet restrictions that serve the regime’s political needs. Although playing along will benefit these businesses in the short term, it comes with long-term costs because the whitelisting system will restrict the growth of the digital economy. Although it would involve some risk, ideally, operators and service providers should adopt a common position on the type of applications they will whitelist – for example, essential services – but at the same time continue to push back against the intranet plan, and publicly and privately call for the lifting of all restrictions. Meanwhile, technology companies from around the world – whether equipment suppliers or software providers – should exercise heightened due diligence when conducting business with entities in Myanmar, to make sure they are not directly or indirectly assisting or supporting the military regime. D. Improving Social Media Moderation and Policies Social media companies have a particularly important role to play in post-coup Myanmar. The military regime has a long history of coordinated disinformation on social media. It is likely to continue to pursue such campaigns if given the opportunity, especially at a time when it seeks to project legitimacy in the face of overwhelming domestic and international condemnation. Social media platforms need to be prepared for these activities. In response to its earlier mistakes during the 2017 Rohingya crisis, Facebook has made major progress in detecting and removing dangerous content linked to the military. Since the coup it 137 Some foreign business chambers have already used statements on the crisis to call for internet access to be restored. See “Statement on Myanmar by AustCham Myanmar, British Chamber of Commerce Myanmar, CCI France Myanmar, New Zealand Myanmar Chamber of Commerce”, 30 March 2021. 138 Among mobile operators and internet service providers, Telenor has been the most consistent in pushing for internet restrictions to be lifted and in disclosing government orders. See, for example, “The case for open internet in Myanmar”, op. cit.; and “Myanmar needs connectivity”, Telenor Myanmar, 13 April 2021.