JOURNAL OF GENOCIDE RESEARCH 21 Figure 9. Circa 2015. Source: at left, C4ADS 2016, 9; at right, Author’s files. questioning their loyalty and positioning them as outsiders to the dominant community. Women, in particular, were targeted in attacks that were especially severe and degrading and which drew on the gendering of both anti-Rohingya discourses and the broader logics of Buddhist-Burman supremacy. These practices represent clear examples of ingroup policing. That this in-group policing was widespread is suggested by the way such practices appear in research on violence in Rakhine State and in reports on patterns in hate speech, even where these reports do not accord them significance. This sugges­ tion is further reinforced by reports, including research commissioned by Meta, conclud­ ing that such practices were negatively impacting freedom of expression, even where the reports do not link these impacts to violence. Scholarship on genocide and mass violence has established the significance of ingroup policing. Indeed, these practices have been found to be so important that scholars have begun to see them as decisive in the difference between situations that are at risk of genocide and situations where genocide actually occurs. In Myanmar, this article has analyzed in-group policing that targeted people for at least three kinds of actions: (1) local residents of Rakhine State, who maintained social and economic relations with Rohingya in their areas; (2) humanitarian workers in Rakhine State, who sought to support Rohingya and others; and (3) activists elsewhere in Myanmar, who dared act in solidarity with the Rohingya or even just contest the discourses justifying violence against them. The article also demonstrates that in-group policing could cause people to start acting differently. The causes and consequences of such changes – in local social and economic relations in Rakhine State, humanitarian support, and solidarity in central Myanmar – will need to be better accounted for in analyses of the Rohingya genocide. In-group policing in Myanmar was pursued in a variety of ways and would have occurred even had Facebook not been available, or had the platform been designed and managed differently. However, this paper has pointed to one way in which the use