Myanmar Media Historically and the Challenges of Transition 29 Less than a year later, in May 2008, an estimated 130,000 people lost their lives during the devastating Cyclone Nargis, the largest natural disaster in the country’s recorded history. The official government death toll was grossly underestimated from the start, as the junta attempted to reduce the catastrophe’s political impact, preventing aid workers from reporting on the extent of the damage by keeping them out of the affected areas (Brooten 2008a). The UN estimated that 2.4 million people were affected by the devastation and that by early June 2008 only 1.3 million of these people had received even the most basic assistance, which was inadequate and below minimum requirements (UN 2008). The junta was criticized for its secrecy and obsession with security that delayed responses to the humanitarian crisis by keeping many aid workers and aid out of the country for weeks following the cyclone (Brooten 2008a). Despite the devastation and calls to postpone the nominal constitutional referendum — the first step in the regime’s “Seven-Step Roadmap to Democracy” — the vote was held on 10 May in all but the five hardest-hit regions. For these five regions the referendum was postponed, but only until 24 May. The Saffron Revolution and Cyclone Nargis both had an impact on the media sector. Audiences for Burma’s exiled media skyrocketed, and the editors of the more established media — such as Aung Zaw of The Irrawaddy, Soe Myint of Mizzima, and Aye Chan Naing and Khin Maung Win of the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) — took on new roles as analysts for international news outlets (Brooten 2011a). There was almost no reporting of the Saffron Revolution inside Burma, but during Cyclone Nargis the regime started relaxing its controls. These two events also triggered an increase in aid and development efforts. In 2008, Myanmar’s first indigenous adult training and research institute, Myanmar Egress, founded an in-house media-training centre (IMS 2012). Donor support to many of Burma’s exiled media increased, and with it the ability of these media to continue building networks inside the country. This expanded support, along with the transnational pro-democracy movement and technological advances, continued to strengthen the media inside and operating in exile and along the country’s borderlands. Nevertheless, this did not happen uniformly, and the larger, more developed groups tended to benefit most, rather than the smaller, ethnic or community-based media (Brooten 2003). These efforts are explored in more detail in Jane Madlyn 01 ch1-MyanmarMediaIT-5P.indd 29 8/4/19 10:29 am