Myanmar Media Historically and the Challenges of Transition
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from foreign influences. Military Intelligence chief Khin Nyunt urged
musicians to be patriotic in their work and to cooperate with the
state-controlled Myanmar Media Association (Smith 1991). Following
a performance of satirical songs, chants and skits at the NLD
headquarters during the Thingyan water festival in 1989, arrests of
musicians and singers continued (Smith 1991). The SLORC similarly
targeted the film and video industry, arresting key industry actors and
directors, charging the chairman of Burma’s Film Society with treason
and launching a “cultural” campaign to coerce actors and directors
to work with the Motion Picture Organization, a patriotic institution
allied with the SLORC (Smith 1991).
Other performers, including comedians, also faced serious crackdowns
during this period. For example, in May 1990, one month after being
released from prison, Zargana was rearrested after doing stand-up
comedy — telling a joke about the Minister of Information — at
the Yankin Teachers Training College Stadium in Rangoon. He was
sentenced to five years but released in March 1994. Once released he
was banned from using his stage name Zargana and from performing
publicly or even attending public events. His jokes were nonetheless
said to have continued spreading by word of mouth. Despite these
sanctions he was repeatedly invited to appear on military television —
invitations that he always refused (Allott 2001; Human Rights Watch
2009).
The Burmese people did not consider the country’s state-run media
credible (Allott 1994; Smith 1991, 1992) and, as a result, relied on
international broadcasters such as the British Broadcasting Corporation
(BBC), the Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) (Fink
2001; Lintner 1989). Aware of their influence, the military regime targeted
foreign media. Two books in particular, The Conspiracy of Treasonous
Minions within the Myanmar Naing-Ngan and Traitorous Cohorts and A
Skyful of Lies [sic], attacked the foreign media for their reporting during
1988. Smith (1991) counted more than a hundred cartoons attacking
the BBC in the state-run Working People’s Daily, a campaign which he
argued “conjured up the image of a network of foreigners secretly
working together to seize control of Burma” (p. 72). In addition, a
black market trade in pirated videotapes from Thailand, Singapore and
Malaysia emerged in the early 1980s. Despite the low penetration of
television, villagers often collaborated to purchase video players, and
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