Conclusion 5. Conclusion Since 2010, Myanmar’s political transition from a full-fledged military oligarchy to a semi-democratic parliamentary system had promised greater online freedoms and other democratic potentials. Liberalisation of its telecommunications sector created competition and economies of scale, reducing the cost of access to the internet for users in Myanmar. Social media platforms, especially Facebook, became popular mediums not only for corresponding, but for news consumption. Internet access was sharply and brutally curtailed through the 2021 military coup. Internet freedoms took a severe turn for the worse through a series of internet shutdowns, services disruptions, and the destruction of physical infrastructure. Yet, this is no surprise, as infringements related to access to information, freedom of expression and rights to privacy have been building up since the internet was made widely available. This is, in part due to Myanmar’s overly-board national laws that do not align with the international human rights standards. Various UN instruments, meetings and urging by the Special Rapporteurs were not able to bring Myanmar to either adhere to international standards or sign up to international human rights treaties. Instead, Myanmar officials often dismissed such requests altogether. Similarly, although Myanmar has been a member of ASEAN since 1997, the regional group has not been able to soften the military regime’s transgressions. Over the last two decades, ASEAN has been criticised for not being effective in this regard. Young people, notably women, have taken leading roles in nationwide protests that have been attempting to rein in and roll back the military takeover. They have been subject to arbitrary arrests, torture, and excessive force as the military cracked down on the resistance. Fallen women protesters have become new democracy icons. Post-coup amendments to the Penal Code, Privacy Law and Electronic Transactions Law have been used by the military junta to consolidate its control of the internet and thwart anti-coup mobilisation. Given the political developments in Myanmar, this report recommends key short-term and long-term goals. In the short-term, there is a need to address and restore access to the internet in the country. In the longerterm, the national laws have to be revised to ensure that they align to international standards. Myanmar should also sign up to international treaties that it has not yet ascended to and ratified. To ensure that this happens, stakeholders need to lobby the legitimate government of Myanmar, ASEAN, telecommunication companies and the international community to protect internet freedoms that are integral to freedom of opinion and expression. 0 22 6