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by the former prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin. The coalition emerged after the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government in 2020. In the 2022 election, PAS gained the most seats in the parliament, and also its highest-ever numbers in a general election. Its rise was attributed to many factors, particularly the fall from power of the United Malay National Organization (UMNO) after being linked to corruption scandals, including the former prime minister Najib Razak and the incumbent party president, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi. UMNO was the ruling party for 61 consecutive years before being toppled in the 2018 general elections. It now leads the Barisan Nasional coalition built around an ideology that aligns with those of conservative Malays for the protection of their constitutional privileges. However, the party’s corruption scandals led many conservative Malays to shift to an alternative coalition, the Perikatan Nasional (PN) headed by Muhyiddin Yassin, a former deputy president of UMNO. 157 158 159 160 The strategy of PAS also played a significant role to its success, and it took years before they could harvest the results. In particular, the success of PAS owes to its supporters and members, which ranged from widely known celebrity preachers to grassroots figures. Its network of suppor ters is connected to religious schools, neighborhood mosques, Islamic studies sessions, and university campuses. They also host social and religious activities to attract young Muslim Malays157, 158. All these happened while their candidates and preachers leveraged social media platforms to attract voters. TikTok is a key tool in the PAS campaign for the 2022 General Election which lowered the eligible age of voters from 21 to 18 years old. The proven race and religion campaign narratives included mis- and disinformation that targeted Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan 159 . The PAS narratives emphasized Malay privileges and Islamic values, which it said would be undermined by a Pakatan Harapan-led government160 since the latter is led by the Democratic Action Party (DAP), a ChineseMalaysian party with a secular ideology. Hew, Wai Weng. “From Islamist to Muslim Majoritarianism: The Rise of PAS in GE15.” stratsea, 9 Dec. 2022, https://stratsea.com/from-islamist-to-muslim-majoritarianism-the-rise-of-pas-in-ge15. Ariffin, Afifah, and Calvin Yang. “Malaysia State Polls: PAS Retains Strong Following in Kelantan Ahead of Elections.” CNA, 18 July 2023, www.channelnewsasia.com/asia/malaysia-state-elections-polls-how-islamic-party-pas-maintained-dominance-kelantan-slow-pace-development-3633651. Sipalan, Joseph, and Hadi Azmi. “Malaysia’s PAS Takes to TikTok as It Seeks a Repeat of General Election Success in State Polls.” South China Morning Post, 10 July 2023, www.scmp.com/week-asia/ politics/article/3226948/malaysias-pas-takes-tiktok-repeat-its-general-election-success-state-polls. Mahmud, Aqil Haziq. “PAS And Its Chief Hadi Awang ‘Biggest Amplifiers’ of Racial Rhetoric at Malaysia Polls Last Year: Study.” CNA, 1 June 2023, www.channelnewsasia.com/asia/pas-malaysia-electionhadi-awang-hate-speech-3528221. 50

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Annual Report: Digital Rights in Southeast Asia 2023-2024

Report

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Language

English

Topic

Digital Rights
Digital Surveillance
Information Operation
Internet Connectivity / Accessibility
Internet Restrictions

Author(s)

DigitalReach

Date Published: Aug 6, 2024

Abstract: It is undeniable that information technology has significantly impacted human rights and democracy these days. Different governments around Southeast Asia continually attempt to control digital space through, for example, using repressive laws and regulations, forcing social media platforms to follow their orders, and using spyware and similar technology to surveil critics. In Southeast Asia, democracy and human rights have deteriorated because of these attempts, especially for countries under authoritarian regimes.

In order to better understand the situation, DigitalReach publishes annual reports to present and analyze the events and trends around the region. The 2023 annual report analyzes the digital rights situation in eight countries across Southeast Asia—namely Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam–from January 2023 to December 2023, with glimpses of key updates into 2024, given the timing of its release.

The report format has been changed completely from the previous years. In order to more systematically present the developments observed, the report is organized into three key areas: (1) Legal and Policy Developments, (2) Information Control and Manipulation, and (3) Threats Against Critics and Political Opposition.

From a regional perspective, legal and policy developments in countries that are known to restrict human rights are still mainly about using or coming up with new policies to further suppress human rights in the digital sphere. Countries considered to be more democratic also attempt to change or repeal their laws, but still without a clear sign of improvement toward digital rights.

In terms of information control and manipulation, social media platforms continue to be deployed for political ends, with different platforms serving a specific purpose for each country. The shift toward short video format, TikTok in particular, continued from 2022 to contribute toward information disorder, especially during election periods. The use of video shorts is important when targeting young voters, who played an important role in determining election results in Thailand and Indonesia this year like they did in the Philippines and Malaysia in 2022. State-sponsored cyber armies were also documented, while some governments preferred to assert more effective control of social media platforms. Other important methods related to the flow of information include suppression of media freedom and internet disruptions, which are particularly severe in Myanmar following the 2021 coup.

Judicial harassment is a key form of threat used against critics and political opposition in 2023. It is still common for people in Southeast Asia to be thrown in jail for what they say or do online. Others who do not subscribe to the government’s ideology face online harassment from state-sponsored cyber armies or government supporters. In terms of surveillance, 5 out of 8 countries included in this report have been found to have or are likely to have spyware technology.

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2023-Annual-Report-FINAL-1.pdf
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Annual Report: Digital Rights in Southeast Asia 2023-2024

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