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or geographic origin. We also asked questions about use of mobile phones and where they access news,
out of interest as well as to establish a connection between our questions and our backgrounds.25 The
second set of questions asked people to share their concerns for the whole country. After working with
them to brainstorm between three and five concerns, we then asked them to choose their primary concern
and then probed to encourage them to explain their concerns more fully. People required various amounts
of prompting, from extensive follow-up questioning to none at all. Typical follow-up questions included
‘what are you worried might happen?’ ‘how long have you been worried about this?’ (or, ‘when did you
start worrying about this?’), and ‘where did you learn about this?’ or ‘with whom do you discuss this?’
After engaging in this discussion, we then repeated the same process, but positioned the questions as
about the narrator’s local area rather than the whole country. The third set of questions were about the
narrator’s hopes for the future (‘in the next three years, what would you like to change?’) and open time
for them to add anything else they felt to be important.
In making decisions about who to interview, we set a quota to ensure that interviews included a diversity
of perspectives that accounted for gender, age, religion, and class. Ethnicity was felt to be too diverse to
include, but we maintained a generally even division between ethnic Bamar and non-Bamar narrators.
Class was also difficult to define practically, and so we agreed to seek interviews with a mind to diversity
of educational backgrounds26 as a rough proxy for class.27 However, in practice we found it difficult or
disruptive to ask people questions about their educational backgrounds, particularly for those narrators
who had had limited experience with schooling, and so in the end this information was not consistently
collected. The training participants assisted with approaching or introducing us to narrators, and where
educational background was not recorded we used other locally-understood markers of class position to
assist us in including a diversity of perspectives. Individuals interviewed by the authors are summarized
in Table 1 below; an additional 96 interviews by training participants are not cited because they have not
been analysed for this paper, though these informed group reflection discussions during the Mandalay
meeting that, in turn, informs this paper.
Table 1.
City
Lashio
# Interviews
Women
Men
Over
40
Under
40
Buddhist
Christian
Muslim
Hindu
13
8
8
4
12
7
2
3
4
8
4
7
4
7
6
2
1
2
13
8
5
3
10
5
2
3
3
9
6
5
7
4
4
1
4
2
Sittwe
16
13
5
11
7
10
1
2
5
Pathein
9
5
4
4
5
7
0
1
1
Totals
68
44
34
33
45
39
8
14
17
Mandalay
Mawlamyine
Meiktila
25
Part of the informed consent process included introducing ourselves, which entailed explaining the ‘Myanmar
Media and Society Research Project’ as well as the ‘Myanmar ICT for Development Organisation.’ In light of this,
we decided that, in the interview interaction, it would help make narrators more comfortable if we began the
interview with questions that were both easy (age, work experiences, etc) and easily contextualized in light of how
we had introduced ourselves. Later, we would ask follow-up questions about where the narrators may have heard a
specific anecdote or piece of information. Such questions were better framed in light of an earlier conversation about
information sources; if we had asked them only later in the interview, they may have been taken as an accusation or
implying that the narrator was otherwise ill-informed.
26
Three categories were defined: high school or college graduates; those with education up to some high school but
not graduated; and those with no education or education below high school level.
27
Varshney adopts a similar approach, using literacy rather than the level of formal education reached. See,
Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life, 19.
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