FREEDOM IN
THE WORLD 2023
Marking 50 Years in the
Struggle for Democracy
Valentyna Buhaiova
embraces Ukrainian
marines in her
home village of
Kyselivka, outside of
Kherson, Ukraine,
in November 2022.
Ukrainian forces
had recently retaken
Kyselivka, liberating
it from Russian
occupation. (Image
credit: Reuters/
Valentyn Ogirenko)
Meanwhile, democracies are standing up for human rights
at international organizations. After years of being shielded
by diplomats from Russia and China, Myanmar’s junta was
condemned by the UN Security Council in December for
using violent tactics against prodemocracy activists. Similarly,
despite the presence of authoritarian member states, the
UN Human Rights Council voted to suspend Russia in April.
In October, the council went further, appointing a special
rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in Russia by
a vote of 17 to 6.
Venezuela was denied a seat on the UN Human Rights Council
in October elections by the General Assembly. While most
regional groups did not nominate more candidate countries
than available seats, democratic Costa Rica and Chile both
ran to block Venezuela’s bid for a seat from the Latin America
and Caribbean group. In December, Iran was removed from
the UN Commission on the Status of Women and prevented
from serving the rest of its four-year term as a result of a
resolution introduced by the United States and supported
by 28 other countries. The measure noted that the Iranian
government’s campaign to suppress the rights of women and
girls by using force against protesters flew in the face of the
UN body’s mission to promote gender equality.
The contest between democratic and authoritarian norms at
international organizations is far from over. But the positive
developments of the past year should encourage even more
active democratic engagement in multilateral forums.
10
@ FreedomHouse
Control over competence
Autocrats’ behavior at the international level is a reflection
of their governing methods at home, where in the absence
of a genuine popular mandate, they rely on a crude
combination of corruption and force to maintain control.
The democratic institutions that might moderate graft and
state violence—such as opposition parties, independent
courts, a free press, and civil society groups—are
suppressed as potential threats to the leader’s power. When
such corrosive problems are allowed to go unchecked, they
can undermine the regime’s own goals and threaten the lives
of ordinary people.
Corruption comes at a high cost to both public services
and government revenue. In Venezuela, endemic corruption
orchestrated by the regime of Nicolás Maduro has stripped
the land of natural resources and undermined crucial
infrastructure, impoverishing the population and impeding
the government’s ability to address health and economic
emergencies. The country consequently faces an ongoing
humanitarian crisis, with shortages of electricity, medicine,
and food. Over seven million people have fled abroad.
In Russia, Putin’s long history of enabling corruption at the
highest levels has left him unable to fulfill the goals of his
war of aggression. Despite the fact that the Kremlin spent
hundreds of billions of dollars on modernizing the Russian
military over the last two decades, it remains a poorly
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