5/27/22, 2:20 AM
How activists are using Facebook in Myanmar for democratic ends, but Facebook itself also facilitated hate speech | LSE So…
Burmese language content . However, a more active role in moderating content in turn
raises challenging new questions (especially now under an authoritarian regime) about
how Facebook ought to intervene in controlling the content of users. What lines should
Facebook draw on moderating content, for example, of ethnic armed groups, or other
violent movements who oppose the authoritarian government?
It is also important however to examine the wider narratives surrounding Facebook’s
actions in Myanmar. This can be illuminated to some degree through what writer and
researcher Evgeny Morozov describes as ‘the folly of technological solutionism’: a
widespread techno-deterministic narrative within industry, media and the public that
societies can be free of social or political problems given the right applications of
technological solutions. The rapid spread of technological affordances from, for example,
the United States, Japan or Europe, to poorer countries such as Myanmar, and the role of
technology companies in driving this, tends to be wrapped in an assumption of the
inherent social, economic and cultural value of these affordances.
Crucially, a narrative of digital ‘solutionism’ serves to ascribe agentic characteristics to
different actors. In the case of positive outcomes, proponents of this narrative can ascribe
those outcomes to the active intervention of companies and their digital affordances.
Meanwhile, Facebook users are either bad agents who exploit technologies for nefarious
purposes or are passive participants in the actual fight between technological progress
and tyrannical states. In the case of Myanmar, Facebook could be both an active
protagonist (in the fight for democracy) and an innocent observer (in the proliferation of
hate speech).
Such narratives have real world impact and in the case of Facebook’s role in Myanmar, the
stakes are incredibly high. Facebook has had a virtual monopoly on social media use, and
online information sharing, in a country with profound ongoing poverty and economic
vulnerability. Therefore, questioning digital solutionism is crucial in both celebrating the
creativity and bravery of Myanmar users, and refusing to allow Facebook to deflect
responsibility for facilitating hate speech.
This examination and critique of narratives of digital solutionism is also important beyond
the case of Facebook in Myanmar. New waves of digital products will inevitably be
introduced to Myanmar and other countries on the margins of the global economy, under
both authoritarian and democratic regimes of the future. The case of Facebook
demonstrates the dangers of unchecked narratives of digital solutionism and the
associated overconfidence of companies as technological affordances transfer to new
and vulnerable contexts.
Myanmar’s political and economic future has become highly uncertain since the military
coup. Heightened awareness of the dangers of digital solutionism may serve to help
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