Section 4 | HERE AND NOW Foundation,251 which supports health and education projects, including local CSO-led mobile library, computer, and ESL training initiatives that are directly relevant to closing the gender digital divide. Most analyses of the power she wields dwell on her family’s political legacy, her personal charisma, and the extensive political patronage networks she developed as the NLD opposition leader. Historically, she has not been a vocal supporter of women’s rights, which appears to be linked to her own traditionalist views and to the many ways the military attempted to portray her gender as a liability.252 On the other hand, she has political ties to human rights and freedom of expression associations around the world, and is an honorary board member of the INGO Article 19, which espouses access to information as a human right under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. She has received numerous international human rights awards, at least two of which (the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize and the 2002 Freedom Forum Free Spirit of the Year Award 253) exceeded $1 million. Suu Kyi is the only woman in the president’s cabinet, and she holds three positions. In addition to her new position of State Counselor, she is the Union Minister for President’s Office as well as Minister of Foreign Affairs. There are also two vice-presidents, who mainly carry out ceremonial and diplomatic functions, though the constitution does assign them positions on key bodies such as the National Defense and Security Council and the Financial Commission. First Vice President U Myint Swe of the former military leader Than Shwe’s Union Solidarity Development Party is considered a hardline officer who, though retired, is likely to continue representing the interests of the military and old political elite.254 Second Vice President U Henry Van Thio of the NLD was an elected MP from Chin State whose nomination raised the ire of Buddhist nationalists, as he is the first non-Buddhist Vice President in Myanmar (he is Christian).255 With the exception of the three Lieutenant Generals who are appointed to the posts of Minister of Defense, Minister of Home Affairs, and Minister of Border Affairs by the military, the other ministers are all NLD loyalists and will presumably follow Suu Kyi’s lead, prioritizing job creation and the peace process. To the extent that top officials are incentivized to move forward initiatives for ICT-related entrepreneurship, investment, and peace dividends in conflict-affected areas, progress toward closing the gender digital divide may occur without any explicit government champion. Although the Tatmadaw has allowed significant liberalization and decentralization since 2011, there has reportedly been speculation for more than a year as to whether the tenure of Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing may be a point of contention with Suu Kyi and the NLD. When he was appointed in 2011—a surprise choice, considered too junior in rank to act radically against the president or parliament—he described his objective as moving “the military-as-institution from its former roles in administration and governance to a relatively more limited set of “professional” responsibilities that involved defending the constitution and territory.”256 Since then, he has proven unable to implement A “three-year investigation by Sweden-based cyber security firm Unleash Research Labs working to protect independent news outlets... has identified the army as a key player in a sting of defacements of media websites since 2012.” —Hannah Hindstrom “Is Myanmar’s Military Behind Shadowy Cyber Attacks?” Diplomat, February 27, 2016. ceasefires and, since he has reached the normal retirement age of sixty in 2016, speculation A charitable foundation established in 2012 in honor of her mother, it appears to be a fulfillment of a pledge she made in 1991 to support education and health projects in Myanmar with her Nobel Prize money. Richard Friebe, “How Nobel Winners Spend Their Prize Money: Aung San Suu Kyi,” TIME, 2008. 252 Harriden, The Authority of Influence. 253 Freedom Forum, “About the Al Neuharth Free Spirit of the Year Award,” June 2, 2008. 254 Ibid. 255 Aung Kyaw Min, “Nationalists Rally Against Both Vice Presidents,” Myanmar Times, April 5, 2016. 256 Callahan and Steinberg, Drivers of Political Change, 14. 251 Ending the Gender Digital Divide in Myanmar: A Problem-Driven Political Economy Assessment | 78