Section 2 | FOUNDATIONAL FACTORS These norms contribute to the gender digital divide by limiting perceived benefits of ICT use spend their days outside the home—primarily men and youth.92 Our field research showed “Communities are uncomfortable with girls entering the tech field because these jobs demand more time and require girls to work at night. These fields are also male-dominated, which makes the family feel uncomfortable. Girls internalize and accept this perception.” support for the latter, as a very narrow range of perceived benefits of ICT use by women was —Urban CSO representative and skills development among women who spend most of their time in narrowly defined appropriate spaces or accompanied by family members. When opportunities arise (such as income-generating activities, participation in development projects, or adoption of time-saving technologies), women must weigh their current responsibilities and available time against the anticipated benefits. Roles that women and their communities see as an extension of acceptable productive and reproductive roles require fewer incentives to adopt.91 When female survey respondents disproportionately reply that they “do not need” to own a mobile phone, it would be useful to inquire further whether this rationale is grounded in a disconnect with their responsibilities, a lack of available time to acquire digital skills, or a lack of understanding of the benefits. Some research indicates the former, with women non-owners viewing mobile phones as a means to stay in touch for those who revealed (see figure 5 below). Figure 5: Perceived Benefits of ICT Use Figure #: Perceived Benefits of ICT Use Education Safety Entertainment Prestige Power Income / Employment Communication / Information 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Frequency Gender norms identifying women with care work and unpaid household work performed primarily in the private sphere also limit women’s experience with public decision-making processes and corresponding influence on policies and political agendas. Although there are examples of powerful female political leaders during colonial times and after independence (including among repressed ethnic minorities), part of their success is ascribed to the fact that they were considered exceptions who did not pose a threat to national leaders.93 Several key informants lamented the fact that Myanmar has very few role models and limited public space in which women can exercise leadership, despite strong financial management skills developed within their households. At the same time, elected MP Daw Aye Mya Mya Myo (of Yangon’s Kyauktan township) points out that “another reason for fewer women in politics is that most of the people in Myanmar—including my mother—think that being involved in politics is still dangerous. I hope to see more and more women [become involved] if we can prove that doing politics is safe for all Myanmar people.”94 91 92 93 94 Ibid. GSMA and LIRNEasia, Mobile Phones, Internet and Gender in Myanmar. Ibid. Fiona McGregor, “Woman MPs Up, but Hluttaw Still 90% Male,” Myanmar Times, December 1, 2015. Ending the Gender Digital Divide in Myanmar: A Problem-Driven Political Economy Assessment | 32