As on the global scene, information disorder in sub-Saharan Africa has escalated as a result of global connectedness and people’s increased reliance on social media for news. The spread of false information is also driven by fear, prejudice, and a poor understanding of the issues. Figure 1: Types of actors identified as working to combat information disorder in sub-Saharan Africa On the other hand, in many sub-Saharan African countries, a lot of false information is spread by word of mouth, even if the information originated online. This is partly due to the relatively low levels of digital access across the continent, and it reinforces the need for information disorder strategies to have both online and offline components. In countries with high levels of digital access, such as in the Global North, information disorder is generally associated with having too much information. Conversely, in sub-Saharan African countries, there is the perception that a key enabler of information disorder is insufficient information or lack of access to credible information sources. Further, the spread of false information by word of mouth can also be associated with the tradition in many African societies of using satire, humor, and gossip as forms of political resistance. For instance, in Kenya1 and Zimbabwe2 non-traditional forms of political criticism played a big role in strengthening democracy by creating a space for political criticism aimed against oppressive ruling parties or regimes (Hammett 2011; Hendricks 2019; Nyabola 2018). However, this critical space can also facilitate the spread of viral mis- or disinformation online, as witnessed during the Covid-19 pandemic. The poor data culture in sub-Saharan African countries is also seen as exacerbating information disorder, as there are limited or even in some cases no national data to fill knowledge gaps in areas such as politics, the economy, health, and education. Most countries have weak or under-resourced national statistics offices, data collection activities are sporadic, and both state and industry actors are generally reluctant to openly share data on their activities. This makes it difficult or sometimes even impossible to use facts to refute false information or fill knowledge gaps. 3.2 TYPES OF ACTORS Media and civil society organizations are by far the most prevalent types of actors, at 35 percent each of the seventy-nine identified actors. The remaining actor types (see Figure 1) make up the other 30 percent (ranging from one to six in number). Notably, with the exceptions of Ethiopia’s stateled fact-checking initiative to combat information disorder in national and international media and South Africa’s response to the ongoing Covid-19 infodemic, there are limited indications of active government-led efforts to combat information disorder. This could be due to the nature of government efforts (such as internet shutdowns), which are typically seen as repressive rather than constructive. 28 28 MEDIA CIVIL SOCIETY 6 GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT 5 TECHNOLOGY 4 LEGAL/HUMAN RIGHTS 2 2 2 HEALTH ACADEMIC/TRAINING INFORMATION/LIBRARY SERVICES MILITARY NATIONAL GOVERNMENT TYPES OF ACTORS WORKING TO COMBAT INFORMATION DISORDER IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 1 1 I N FO R M ATI O N D I SO R D ER IN THE GLOBA L SOUTH Sub -Saharan Africa – 1 42