Institute of Development Studies | bulletin.ids.ac.uk or the Sangha. In fact, after 2007, the military worked to politicise, control, and undermine the Sangha, appointing pro-military monks to official positions and offering financial contributions to ultranationalist factions, many of which have since been on the forefront of fostering hatred against Myanmar’s Muslim communities.5 That said, prejudices and structural racism against Muslims are not new phenomena in Myanmar. The school system has, ever since Ne Win’s regime, been propagating a nationalist Buddhist curriculum that discriminates against religious minorities. The identity cards used today in Myanmar stem from the colonial era, and clearly state religious affiliations, which results in daily discrimination for Muslims applying for jobs or in any dealings with authorities. The rapid liberalisation of the telecommunication market has, since 2011, allowed millions of Burmese to access mobile phones and social media, primarily through Facebook, but has also opened up new propaganda channels perfectly suited to incite sectarian violence and spread fake news. The outbreak of sectarian violence between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Rakhine State in 2012 catalysed the growth of an ultranationalist Buddhist movement that was very successful in spreading hate messages on Facebook (Lee 2016; International Crisis Group 2017). The biggest group within the ultranationalist Buddhist movement is known as the Ma Ba Tha, loosely translated as the Committee for the Protection of Race and Religion, although the state Sangha has forced it to change its official name to the Buddha Dhamma Philanthropy Foundation. The movement illustrates how both civil and uncivil society can incorporate social and political action in the context of state fragility and conflict. Ma Ba Tha is a grass-roots movement, which meets social needs that the state has addressed inadequately. Since the legal system is endemically corrupt, Ma Ba Tha has, for instance, offered a parallel legal entity to solve civil cases. Where the educational system is severely neglected, the Ma Ba Tha has offered schooling and vocational training. During natural disasters, the movement has efficiently organised disaster relief support. Although not all Ma Ba Tha members adhere to an anti-Muslim ideology, many have committed hate speech, violent acts, and lawless actions, instigating violence against Muslims on multiple occasions. Members of the movement have also demanded apartheid policies, such as the banning of Muslims from entering shops and restaurants, with little condemnation offered by the leadership (International Crisis Group 2017). Ma Ba Tha illustrates the intricate relationship between state authorities and strong uncivil forces. State authorities have sought to use movements like the Ma Ba Tha. The former military junta and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), for instance, strengthened these ultranationalist and racist elements amongst the monkhood by utilising the latter’s extensive networks in order to mobilise supporters in the election campaign of 2015. In return for support, the then‑President Thein Sein announced a plan to forcibly segregate IDS Bulletin Vol. 50 No. 3 September 2019 ‘Accountability Amidst Fragility, Conflict, and Violence: Learning from Recent Cases’ 17–36 | 27