8/8/22, 9:18 PM
New evidence shows how Myanmar's military planned the Rohingya purge
The reporting for this article is based on material from thousands
of pages of o icial records obtained by the Commission for
International Justice and Accountability.
To verify details in the documents, Reuters reporters spoke to more
than a dozen people with knowledge of the military’s operations in
Rakhine, including former o icials from Rakhine state, a member of
parliament, locals in Rakhine and former members of the security
forces. The reporters also cross-checked details in the documents
against contemporaneous reports by state and local media and
other material authored by authorities, including articles in an
o icial magazine and books. They scoured social media pages to
confirm details in the documents that appeared on the accounts of
administrators and o icials. One of the documents in the CIJA
cache had been previously obtained by Reuters.
Not all details in the documents could be verified, including specific
discussions that took place in private meetings between a tight
circle of people ahead of the military crackdown in 2017.
Two former o icials, however, confirmed that the kinds of meetings
involving senior military commanders that are described in the
documents took place. They confirmed key events and policies
described in the documents, such as the formation of militias and
cooperation between military o icials and ultranationalist monks.
Former o icials and members of the security forces interviewed by
Reuters also confirmed the names and ranks of o icials and
military commanders who appear in the documents. For example,
a defector from the Myanmar military confirmed the presence in
the field during the 2017 military crackdown of a captain and a
commander named in the documents; their names were not in the
public domain. A former politician in Rakhine also confirmed that a
meeting to discuss the Rohingya detailed in the
documents between military o icials and ultranationalist monks
took place.
Reuters verified audiovisual material contained in the CIJA cache
by matching unique elements that can be seen in the material with
contemporaneous media accounts.
Former military and civilian o icials confirmed the use by
government and military o icers of the Viber messaging app, which
is mentioned in the documents.
Viber didn’t respond to a request for comment.
The reporters also corroborated the timeline for the
implementation of key policies and events described in the
documents. For example, an interview with a militia leader helped
to confirm dates and other details about the formation of antiRohingya militias. The reporters also corroborated the deployment
of mobile medical teams to Rohingya villages with a Rohingya
village administrator and photos published in a military-authored
book. According to the CIJA documents, these teams were meant
to spy on the Muslim population while treating them.
Reporters cross-checked a log of military activities with
information published by military-run media and satellite images
showing when Rohingya villages were torched in Rakhine state. The
number of burned buildings recorded in each village in the log
aligned roughly with estimates put together by researchers who
analyzed satellite imagery of the arson. A military defector
confirmed that battalions mentioned in the log were present in
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