media and conflict in myanmar: opportunities for media to advance peace Also, the basic costs for mobile SIM cards could drop from roughly $2,000 several years ago to well below April 2013 rates of $200 to $250 per card. These costs are still fairly prohibitive, and Gallup data indicate that the vast majority of Burmese (79.4 percent) cannot afford to buy more than the basic necessities. Among those who are better off, 44.7 percent say they have mobile phones. Interviewees from the technology sector indicated that though they see the potential for eleven million new mobile users in the next six months, obstacles to further expansion remain. For example, rural connectivity is a potential problem as not much information is available about how networks will be built out in areas with little infrastructure. Also unclear is the role of the state operator Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) and how it will function alongside international competitors. Currently, interviewees noted that MPT cares little about service, international roaming is not available, and SMS messaging is not reliable. Not surprisingly, rural and ethnic areas have far less mobile access from the MPT network. However, ethnic communities are accessing Chinese and Thai networks, depending on their location. Interviewees indicate that mobile information is trusted but is mainly used by youth for sports news. Media Training One dubious legacy of the former military regime and its complete control of the flow of information is the lack of media professionals trained to conduct high quality, ethical news reporting. Across interviews with government officials, civil society, and media of all types, training is almost always the first area of need identified, especially because training of media was not allowed by the former regime.20 Consequently, most journalists in Myanmar are relatively young and inexperienced (an informal poll by the Press Council indicated that the average age of an editor is twenty-seven), and turnover within media outlets is high. The capacity gap is further exacerbated by the top-down mentality left over from the era of statecontrolled media. When interviewees noted the need for training, it appeared they did so with different motivating factors in mind. Journalists and media managers largely understood they were thrown into an increasingly fluid and competitive news environment that would seriously challenge their skills. Government officials expressed concern about the pace of media reform and the capacity of news media to report accurately to better protect public order. Meanwhile, citizens were suddenly exposed to new information sources that they craved but still harbored a deep distrust of news. So journalism training for them meant reestablishing the credibility of news media in the eyes of the public. Another area of need identified by interviewees is the professional reporting on conflict. Although part of this problem stems from the lack of access to conflict-affected areas controlled by either the Tatmadaw or NSAG, part of the issue lies in a high degree of selfcensorship that has effectively replaced the previous censorship regime. One media executive interviewed noted, “Even the big outlets like Weekly 11 don’t go against public opinion. Their reporting on conflict is not really professional. Reporters seek to avoid conflict, and they don’t criticize. Buddhist monk Wirathu led the 969 movement, but local Burmese journalists are scared to criticize him.” Local and international organizations are actively taking steps to address these gaps in capacity. Although only one university—National Management College in Yangon—has a journalism program, UNESCO is working with the school to develop and institute a new USIP.ORG  19