administrations, law enforcement, and the provision of public services, such as in Karenni State—with
the Federal Democracy Charter as the guiding framework for a new Myanmar.
Despite ASEAN’s decision to “[a]dvance the safe, effective, and transparent delivery of ASEAN
humanitarian assistance without discrimination,”26 any continued efforts to provide aid through the
ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre) will
only further exacerbate humanitarian needs on the ground. This is because, firstly, the AHA Centre
lacks the mandate and capacities to address the junta-caused crisis in Myanmar, and, secondly, ASEAN
continues to engage with the military junta—the very perpetrator of the humanitarian crisis—through
the AHA Centre to deliver aid. In particular, the ongoing presence of the junta-controlled Ministry of
Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement on the AHA Centre’s Governing Board allows the military junta
to “exercise the overall direction [and] control” of any aid distributed through the AHA Centre.27
Ultimately, any partnership between the AHA Centre and the military junta will continue not only to
enable the junta’s terror campaign, including its weaponization of aid, but also to deepen ASEAN’s
complicity in the junta’s ongoing atrocity crimes.
Recommendations to ASEAN and its Member States
(1) Move beyond the dead-on-arrival 5PC to achieve a solution that is truly Myanmar-owned
and -led. Since the birth of the 5PC, the junta has actively disregarded the 5PC through its
repeated commission of atrocity crimes. Meanwhile, the people have lost all trust in ASEAN
because of its horrific failure to address Myanmar’s crisis and save lives. As a result, it is
beyond clear that the 5PC can never “be implemented in its entirety,”28 making ASEAN’s
decision void of meaning. Going forward, any efforts by ASEAN “to help the people of
Myanmar to achieve an inclusive and durable peaceful resolution that is Myanmar-owned and
-led” 29 must not be empty rhetoric or lip service to the Myanmar people. These efforts must
be truly meaningful and driven by genuine political will to support the vision, aspirations, and
well-being of the Myanmar people. ASEAN must unequivocally support the Myanmar people’s
goals to fully dismantle the military and establish an inclusive federal democracy.
(2) Cease all pressure on Myanmar’s revolutionary forces and civil society to join any processes
to engage or compromise with the illegitimate military junta, and support a locally led
political consultation process that entirely excludes the junta. For a truly “Myanmar-owned
and -led” solution, ASEAN must not exert any pressure on Myanmar’s revolutionary forces
and civil society to take part in processes to engage or compromise with the military junta.
Instead, ASEAN must support the revolutionary forces and civil society, including the people’s
legitimate representatives, to lead the way and shape the process towards “an inclusive and
durable peaceful resolution”30 and the rebuilding of Myanmar. ASEAN must follow and
support the Myanmar people’s leadership and provide a safe and enabling platform and
environment for Myanmar’s legitimate democracy stakeholders to talk—without any
involvement of the junta. The complete exclusion of the junta is the only way to ensure robust
and meaningful consultation and participation of Myanmar’s civil society and legitimate
democracy stakeholders in this process.
ASEAN, supra note 1, para. 18.
“Great Expectations: Analysis of the ASEAN Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management,”
Progressive Voice & FORUM-ASIA, 4 August 2021, https://progressivevoicemyanmar.org/2021/08/04/great-expectationsanalysis-of-the-asean-coordinating-center-for-humanitarian-assistance-on-disaster-management/.
28 ASEAN, supra note 1, para. 12.
29 Ibid.
30 Ibid.
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