Network Contagion Research Institute Intelligence Report
15
ranked as the fourth most active poster, and official state media @cgtn as the fifth most active
poster. The high visibility enjoyed on Instagram and YouTube by either official CCP media
sources or affiliated third parties around discussion of “Xinjiang” testifies to the successful
cultivation and weaponization of social media assets to again achieve the “seduce and
subjugate” pillar of Beijing’s influence doctrine.
Figure 9: Pro-China Media Assets on Instagram
Engagement Metadata
Whereas the first prong of our data analysis shed light on the pro-China bias of TikTok’s search
algorithm, engagement metadata analysis14 illuminates which category of content (pro-China
vs. anti-China) accrued more engagement (likes and views) from platform users. This allows us
to determine not only what category of content was served most frequently, but what category
of content was most popular with other users.
As has been widely documented by researchers and marketing experts, the initial engagement
awarded to videos posted on TikTok (views, full-length plays, likes, comments, shares)
influences the extent to which the algorithm exposes the content to successively broader
audiences.15 Despite this accepted rule of thumb, our findings point to the opposite conclusion
than is suggested by the user journey data presented above, namely that though pro-China
content is served up by the TikTok search algorithm much more often, anti-China content
appears far more engaging for organic users.
14
See Appendix III for full metadata engagement metrics. In this study, engagement metadata refers to the
engagements (views, likes, comments, shares, etc.) awarded to videos analyzed.
15 Klug, D., Qin, Y., Evans, M., Zhang, B., & Zhang, K. (2022). An empirical investigation of personalization factors on
TikTok. arXiv. https://ar5iv.labs.arxiv.org/html/2201.12271