Civil society activists have raised concerns that the opaque mass directives being issued to service providers by the military since the coup include orders for widespread interception (see A4, B1, and B3).325 The draft cybercrimes law would also require service providers to store data on servers designated by and fully accessible to the military (see C5). There is little room for providers to push back against the military’s directives, though in at least one instance they did so effectively. On March 30, one regional military official ordered telecommunications companies to disclose lists of subscribers in order to identify who still had internet access;326 the companies reportedly appealed successfully to the military on the grounds that the move would violate their license requirements. The largest state-owned telecommunications provider, MPT, has not publicized the number of requests for data it receives from authorities. Telenor announced that in 2019 it received 188 requests for communications data, about triple the number received in 2018, and complied with 88.327 Mytel stated that it had received over 100 requests from the police for user data during 2019.328 Both claimed that the majority of requests were related to human trafficking, missing people, and drugs.329 The content of these requests is unclear. One major provider stated in 2018 that it initially required three documents before disclosing information, including a letter from a senior police officer and a letter from the PTD, but it has in practice dropped the requirement for a judicial warrant.330 C7: လ=ပ&ဂqိ$လ်များ၏ အွန်လိ&ငး် လ1ပ်ေဆာင်မ1များကိ& လက်စားေချရန်အတွက် အစိ&းရအာဏာပိ&ငမ ် ျားမ. သိမဟ& & ့ တ် အြခား ၀ မ.တ် သက်ဆင ိ& သ ် မ = ျားမ. ဥပေဒြပင်ပ oခိမ်းေြခာက်ြခင်း သိမဟ& & ့ တ် ကိ&ယ်ထိလက်ေရာက် အ8ကမ်းဖက်ြခင်းများ ြပလ&ပ်ပါသလား။ (၀-၅ မ.တ)် C7: Are individuals subject to extralegal intimidation or physical violence by state authorities or any other actor in retribution for their online activities? (0–5 points) Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 0 due to reports of widespread physical violence in reprisal for online activity, including torture in detention. Since the coup, the military has forcibly disappeared and publicly beaten influential social media figures, and physical and mental torture of those in detention has become widespread.331 The junta has threatened deadly repercussions for those who support or participate in the anticoup protests, the civil disobedience movement, or a committee representing political forces opposed to the coup.332 The military has also actively searched for people who use the internet to support these endeavors.333 At least 23 journalists, many of whom produced online content, have been shot or severely beaten by the military.334 For example, CPJ reported that Nathan Maung and Han Thar Nyein, the cofounders of the online news website Kamayut Media, were beaten in detention after being arrested in March 2021. In an interview with CPJ, Maung alleged that Han Thar Nyein was burned with lit cigarettes, made to kneel on ice, and subjected to an attempted sexual assault by soldiers.335 The soldiers also demanded that he hand 0 over his iPhone password. Han Thar Nyein remained in detention as of June 2021 (see C3).336 The military leadership has also leveled threats against soldiers over online activity, for instance if they use Facebook via a VPN.337 Officials at military checkpoints set up between major cities reportedly confiscate mobile phones, which are then examined to assess the owner’s Facebook activity.338 Civil society groups have established a mechanism for closing down the social media accounts of detained individuals to prevent them from self-incriminating or incriminating others.339 Renowned digital rights activists have also been in hiding since the coup; their organizations have effectively been shut down, and they believe they are at risk of death if found or detained by authorities.340 Online journalists, human rights defenders, and political activists reported intimidation and threats of violence prior to the coup, although to a significantly lesser degree. In one opinion survey published in May 2020, most journalists reported that they believed violence against members of the media had increased compared with the previous year.341 Free Expression Myanmar (FEM) and Freedom House - Freedom of the Net: Myanmar - အင်တာနက်ေပ*တွင် လွတ်လပ်မ/ - ြမန်မာ2ိ4င်ငံ - Page 25