says, “Don’t touch [the coup leader]. It will cost you your life. Hear? You will die.”143 TikTok has been criticized by civil society for not learning the lessons from Facebook’s moderation failures in previous years.144 While TikTok deleted many of the worst videos, technical glitches have left traces in place, and TikTok has not banned the military more broadly.145 B4: အွန်လိ&ငး် သတင်း ေထာက်များ၊ သံး& သပ်ေဝဖန်သမ = ျား[.င ့် သာမန်အသံး& ြပ$သ=များသည် မိမိကိ&ယ်ကိ& ဆင်ဆာြဖတ်ေတာက်မ1ကိ& ၁ မ.တ် ကျင့သ ် းံ& ပါသလား။ (၀-၄ မ.တ)် B4: Do online journalists, commentators, and ordinary users practice self-censorship? (0–4 points) Since the coup, self-censorship online has grown significantly. Although many social media users have bravely condemned the coup and continue to do so, some have apparently taken self-censorship steps to hide their identity, such as changing their account names or removing photos.146 The practice of using acronyms or nicknames for sensitive terms is now widespread across messaging tools.147 The use of pseudonyms, which was common during earlier periods of military rule and enables people to speak out with less fear of detention and criminal prosecution, has grown despite a ban on the practice by Facebook and other social media platforms.148 Many users have also stopped using normal phone lines and switched to encrypted smartphone apps, such as Signal and Telegram.149 Hundreds of journalists are in hiding, and many have been detained for their journalism, particularly when reporting on the anticoup protests.150 Self-censorship was common prior to the coup, including among journalists.151 Journalists, online personalities, and ordinary users faced a range of pressures to agree with government narratives on matters related to the military, major business groups, armed conflict, the Rohingya, religion, and other important topics.152 For example, some journalists and media outlets opted to use terms such as “Muslims” when referring to Rohingya to avoid potential ultranationalist backlash online; the term “Bengalis” is also sometimes used in a discriminatory attempt to link 1 the Rohingya to Bangladesh and deny their basic rights in Myanmar.153 Pro-Rohingya activists largely relied on social media and the international news media to share information about violence and discrimination in Rakhine State, partly because few domestic media outlets were willing to risk the security threats or boycotts that can result from reporting on the topic.154 Since the coup, more Myanmar users have actively spoken out about the Rohingya, in some cases apologizing for not believing past atrocity allegations in the light of the military’s recent violence against civilians protesting its seizure of power.155 Self-censorship on gender issues is also widespread online among journalists and human rights defenders.156 Women who discuss sex and women’s bodies online are often abused and harassed.157 For example, while the global #MeToo campaign against sexual assault and harassment gained initial traction in Myanmar, some activists claim that survivors of sexual violence now often self-censor, having seen the intimidation faced by other women who have spoken out.158 Before the coup, some users, including those who discussed what are considered sensitive issues, had also learned to avoid words and phrases that might be automatically identified and removed by content hosts such as Facebook, regardless of their legitimacy; even innocuous words that contain slurs within their text could be affected.159 Free Expression Myanmar (FEM) and Freedom House - Freedom of the Net: Myanmar - အင်တာနက်ေပ*တွင် လွတ်လပ်မ/ - ြမန်မာ2ိ4င်ငံ - Page 13