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Chinese Communist Par ty 47 . Chinese companies also own the main social media platforms including WeChat, Weibo, and Douyin, which comprise the world’s largest social media market with one billion users. This information technology environment has made control of the internet more effective in China. It is not yet known how or when the NIG will be implemented in Cambodia. Another indicator that the country’s cyber policy is inspired by China could be seen through the draft cybersecurity law. A 13-page draft dated September 2, 2022, obtained by the news outlet Rest of World contains broad provisions that would allow the government to seize any operating system from any party unable to mitigate the impacts of a “cybersecurity threat or cybersecurity incident at the critical level”. These are broadly defined as an event that could cause “significant harm” to “national security, national defense, foreign relations, the economy, public health, safety, or public order” 48 . Even though the government announced in November 2022 that it had finalized the text, the proposal still remained as a draft at the end of 2023. 47 48 49 50 3. Information Control and Manipulation After the CPP’s near defeat by the CNRP during the 2013 general elections, the party intensified its efforts to ensure that it will remain in power, including cracking down on independent media. Prior to the 2018 elections, the Cambodia Daily announced its closure in 2017 as a fallout of a taxrelated case which was widely regarded as politically motivated 49 . Meanwhile, the Phnom Penh Post was sold in 2018 to an owner believed to have close ties to the government50. Ahead of the 2023 elections, Voice of Democracy (VOD), an online independent news outlet ran by the Cambodian Center for Independent Media (CCIM), was ordered to shut down in February. The order came after VOD reported about a 100,000 USD in humanitarian aid sent by Cambodia to Turkey following a massive earthquake. The aid order was reported to have been signed by Hun Manet, on behalf of his father Hun Sen, which was an overstep of the former’s authority. Father and son denied this allegation and accused VOD of hurting the “dignity and reputation” of the Cambodian government51. The shutdown of VOD meant Ye, Josh. “Beijing Takes ‘Golden Share’ in a Tencent Subsidiary, Records Show.” Reuters, 19 Oct. 2023, www.reuters.com/world/china/beijing-takes-golden-share-tencent-subsidiary-records-show-2023-10-19. Kelliher, Fiona. “Leaked Law Proposal Would Give Cambodia Expanded Powers to Censor Critics.” Rest of World, 10 Mar. 2023, restofworld.org/2023/cybersecurity-law-draft-cambodia-elections. Paddock, Richard C. “The Cambodia Daily to Close (After Chasing One Last Big Story).” The New York Times, 3 Sept. 2017, www.nytimes.com/2017/09/03/world/asia/cambodia-daily-newspaper.html. Wallace, Julia, and Mike Ives. “A Newspaper Is Sold, and Cambodians Fear the End of Press Freedom.” The New York Times, 7 May 2018, www.nytimes.com/2018/05/07/world/asia/cambodia-phnompenh-post-sale.html. 26

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Annual Report: Digital Rights in Southeast Asia 2023-2024

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Language

English

Topic

Digital Rights
Digital Surveillance
Information Operation
Internet Connectivity / Accessibility
Internet Restrictions

Author(s)

DigitalReach

Date Published: Aug 6, 2024

Abstract: It is undeniable that information technology has significantly impacted human rights and democracy these days. Different governments around Southeast Asia continually attempt to control digital space through, for example, using repressive laws and regulations, forcing social media platforms to follow their orders, and using spyware and similar technology to surveil critics. In Southeast Asia, democracy and human rights have deteriorated because of these attempts, especially for countries under authoritarian regimes.

In order to better understand the situation, DigitalReach publishes annual reports to present and analyze the events and trends around the region. The 2023 annual report analyzes the digital rights situation in eight countries across Southeast Asia—namely Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam–from January 2023 to December 2023, with glimpses of key updates into 2024, given the timing of its release.

The report format has been changed completely from the previous years. In order to more systematically present the developments observed, the report is organized into three key areas: (1) Legal and Policy Developments, (2) Information Control and Manipulation, and (3) Threats Against Critics and Political Opposition.

From a regional perspective, legal and policy developments in countries that are known to restrict human rights are still mainly about using or coming up with new policies to further suppress human rights in the digital sphere. Countries considered to be more democratic also attempt to change or repeal their laws, but still without a clear sign of improvement toward digital rights.

In terms of information control and manipulation, social media platforms continue to be deployed for political ends, with different platforms serving a specific purpose for each country. The shift toward short video format, TikTok in particular, continued from 2022 to contribute toward information disorder, especially during election periods. The use of video shorts is important when targeting young voters, who played an important role in determining election results in Thailand and Indonesia this year like they did in the Philippines and Malaysia in 2022. State-sponsored cyber armies were also documented, while some governments preferred to assert more effective control of social media platforms. Other important methods related to the flow of information include suppression of media freedom and internet disruptions, which are particularly severe in Myanmar following the 2021 coup.

Judicial harassment is a key form of threat used against critics and political opposition in 2023. It is still common for people in Southeast Asia to be thrown in jail for what they say or do online. Others who do not subscribe to the government’s ideology face online harassment from state-sponsored cyber armies or government supporters. In terms of surveillance, 5 out of 8 countries included in this report have been found to have or are likely to have spyware technology.

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Myanmar Internet Project

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Annual Report: Digital Rights in Southeast Asia 2023-2024

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