individuals are particularly susceptible to ISIS’ re-branded, inclusive messaging and viral, accessible
content.127 Through the two main production companies within the Islamic State (Al-Hayat and Al-Furqan),
media operatives produce propaganda films (such as the so-called “mujatweets”) that are shared on social
platforms, circulate monthly magazines (such as Dabiq), live stream updates from the front lines, design
video-games, and even circulate job advertisements.128
Highlighting themes of openness, inclusion, and participation.129 Through coordinated messaging
campaigns, ISIS recruits are shown a sense of purpose, collective identity and meaning.130 ISIS media
operatives also place stories of ordinary fighters front and center, humanizing extremists through relatable
messaging and contextualizing radicalization within local grievances and community perspectives.131
Personal videos and photos from the front lines are effective recruitment and “symbolic currencies” that are
used to drive user engagement and radicalization.132
Moving recruits toward radicalization one step at a time. Exposure to one set of ideas can open the door
for other, more radical thinking to take root. This incremental conditioning process, known as “red-pilling” in
certain internet subcultures, normalizes extremist views over time and erodes the capacity for objective
reasoning.133 Once potential recruits and supporters have been inundated with pro-ISIS content, recruiters
move to more private communications channels, such as encrypted messaging applications (i.e.,
WhatsApp or Telegram, Kik, Threema, etc.) or Skype for more targeted, personalized and intimate one-onone outreach that makes targets feel included, valued and part of a community.134
Mobilizing and coordinating operations. Social media are also leveraged for mobilizing supporters,
sharing information and coordinating tactical operations. The use of social media for these purposes “is
important for non-state actors such as insurgent groups, particularly if these groups lack formal structure or
are dispersed over large geographical areas.”135 In this way, the information environment is a key resource,
staging ground and site of conflict for extremist efforts.
Violent extremist groups have leveraged social media for targeting and intelligence gathering and
sharing logistical information between geographically dispersed groups. According to NATO, these
platforms, channels and networks are used to identify potential targets for military actions, as usergenerated content, participatory maps and user metadata become resources for actionable intelligence in
conflict zones and other inaccessible environments.
Social media are also a conduit for sharing training or instructional materials. This includes information
pertaining to local travel conditions, how to stage attacks and how to mask communications from law
enforcement.136 Operatives share step-by-step instructions on how to build and deploy weapons such as
127 Wilson, 3, 8; Gerstel, 1; and Bertolin, 22.
128 Wilson, 5.
129 See Charlie Winter, “Media Jihad: The Islamic State’s Doctrine for Information Warfare,” International Centre for the Study of Radicalization and
Political Violence (ICSR), (2017), pg. 15-16.
130 Gerstel, 2.
131 See Saltman and Winter, 43; Brendan Koerner, “#jihad: Why ISIS Is Winning the Social Media War” WIRED Magazine (March 2016); and Wilson, 7.
132 Wilson, 3.
133 Marwick and Lewis, 29. Importantly, people that become red-pilled in one ideological area are more likely to be red-pilled in others: susceptibility for
red-pilling is an indicator for and entry point of Islamic radicalization (Freelon, 18).
134 Gerstel, 3.
135 Svetoka, 15-16.
136 Zeitzoff, 10; Catherine Theohary and John Rollins, “Terrorist Use of the Internet: Information Operations in Cyberspace” (Congressional Research
Service (CRS): March, 2011), 12-13; Lorenzo Vidino and Seamus Hughes, “ISIS in America: From ReTweets to Raqqa” (Program on Extremism GWU:
December 2015), 20-21
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