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committed by Buddhists.52 In these attacks individuals are framed as traitors, individuals who are not only
failing to protect their religion but, in so doing, marking themselves as betrayers of their religion, race,
and nation.
Producing narratives, reconciling contradictions
It is important to emphasize again that our intention is not to quantify the degree to which people in
Myanmar accept the allegations of threat from Islam or to determine the popularity or influence of groups
like 969 and Ma Ba Tha. The above is an in-depth exploration of the ways that people who believe Islam
is a threat justified such a narrative, and what such a narrative may justify in turn. Other people we
interviewed did explicitly reject such arguments. Rather than see this as a strict dichotomy between two
camps, however, it is more useful to recognize that people are attempting to navigate everyday lives in
which they must both manage their shifting understandings of past and current events and their
relationships with people around them. The following excerpt from an interview with a teacher in Pathein
illustrates this point:
For the Rakhine issue, the people who come through the border, how can we call them? Bengali?
They came into the country. As we are bordering other countries, there can be a population flow
problem. However, as we couldn’t stop them systematically in the first place, we can’t send back
the people who are already here. This is not good to say, but I want our country to be a pure
Buddhist county. We can allow the other religions, but I want our Buddhist [population] to
increase. I can have empathy as a human being but I am also afraid that one ethnic group will
swallow another. However, we do not know who started this problem and who is right. For now, I
think both sides have made mistakes. If the Rakhine people who I know hear that I have answered
in this way, they will hate me.53
Interpretation of the current moment and past events is still open and a function of myriad factors: the
individual’s personal experiences, the information known, and relationships with others who may have
different and stronger views on the issues in question. Conceptions of threat and anti-Muslim antagonism
in Myanmar are actively being made, in conversation and contestation with the dynamic views of others
and with discourses that circulate within society. In explaining the way such discourses can cohere to
form a narrative of threat, anthropologist Stanley Tambiah’s concepts of focalization and transvaluation
are helpful:
These are linked processes by which a series of local incidents and small-scale disputes,
occasioned by religious, commercial, interfamilial, or other issues, and involving people in direct
contact with one another, cumulatively build up... focalization progressively denudes local
incidents and disputes of their contextual particulars, and transvaluation distorts, abstracts, and
aggregates those incidents into larger collective issues of national or ethnic interest.54
In Myanmar, focalization is occurring as people emphasize religion and religious difference. This was
most visible, for example, when narrators identified religion as the cause of negative personal experiences
or crimes, rather than the specifics of the incident in question. Transvaluation, similarly, is visible when
52
A post circulating on social media during the Meiktila riots in March 2013, for example, provided instructions for
destroying the cameras of journalists attempting to cover the violence. For a thorough discussion of such obstacles,
see, Sean Gleeson, “For Burma’s Journalists, a Bumpy Road to ‘Discipline-Flourishing Democracy’,” The
Irrawaddy, June 17, 2015, http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/for-burmas-journalists-a-bumpy-road-to-disciplineflourishing-democracy.html.
53
Woman, 42, Buddhist, Karen, Pathein February 2015 Pathein MSPT 6.
54
Tambiah, Leveling Crowds, 81.
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