38 > Next Generation Myanmar Myanmar in transition ‘They say Myanmar is a democracy now. Of course, whether it is fake or right is another question. To have democracy, we need to let go of something, people need to be more disciplined. We need to change our mind-set; we need to be accountable. There is ethnocentrism and people talk with their religious mind-set. We need to change that. ‘The problem is that we do not change and then we criticised the system. Democracy start[s] with our own self.’ University student, female, Bago, age 20 Myanmar’s recent political reforms have been dramatic. Competitive elections, censorship rollbacks and greater freedoms of association have opened politics to civilians for the first time in decades. A federal union, once a political taboo, is now openly discussed in peace talks between the elected government, the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups. While the reforms are far from exhaustive, the process has already created a very different political environment for today’s youth than that available to previous generations. Many youth came of age as the Myanmar government began this transition, and most feel the reforms are ‘on track’. Three out of five youth surveyed (60 per cent) agreed that the process of developing democracy has come a long way in Myanmar. Particular groups, however, were less likely to agree. Youth with higher levels of education were more likely to disagree that Myanmar had made progress: 17.9 per cent of university-educated respondents disagreed that Myanmar had come a ‘long way’, compared to just 7.1 per cent of youth with only a primary education or none at all. Educated youth interviewed in this study, many of whom were politically active, cited continuing restrictions as reasons for their scepticism. Some doubted the integrity of the transition entirely. ‘People in Myanmar consider that democracy is fake. It is the same as between real gold, and a monument painted in gold colour. Myanmar is painted in gold colour,’ said one recent university graduate and activist from Mon state. ‘We practise democracy for a short period of time only. It is still authoritarian rule here.’ Respondents that identified as ethnic minorities were also less likely to agree that Myanmar had progressed towards democracy. While 61.5 per cent of majority-ethnic respondents agreed with the statement, only 55.3 per cent of minority-ethnic respondents shared this opinion. In interviews, minorityethnic youth often spoke about political reforms in terms of the peace process, the success of which is seen as critical to democracy in Myanmar. One 22-year-old Kayin woman called it a ‘vicious circle’, explaining: ‘We are ongoing reform to make a democratic federal union. But we are not at peace. So we cannot have a democratic federal union, and vice versa… what can we do to regain trust?’ Few youth, however, disagreed with the transition itself. By a wide margin, survey respondents believed that the transition was worthwhile: 88.5 per cent felt making Myanmar more democratic was important for the development of Myanmar, and 91.8 per cent of youth said the same of reaching a peace agreement. Few youth questioned the value of political reforms or peace negotiations. Rather, many seemed to take a sceptical middle-ground view: while Myanmar’s transition is significant, its reforms have fallen short of youth expectations. Youth and political reforms Many youth consulted in this study felt they should influence authorities more than they are currently able to. When asked if ‘people like me should be able to influence the authorities’ actions’, roughly half (49.4 per cent) of survey respondents agreed. When asked if they could influence them, only 25.7 per cent agreed. In discussions and workshops, many youth felt that their limited influence left them unable to address issues that mattered to them, such as land confiscation, drug abuse and corruption. Some youth shared that while many authorities have expressed interest for youth involvement, few make youth participation possible. One 21-year-old student in Bago went so far as to claim that youth ‘are exploited by the elders and the adult’, explaining: ‘They say we should be more involved, but they do not provide space and we struggle because of our financial situation. So we cannot participate in these events. ‘Here, the youth have no space. These days it has improved, [youth can] learn new skills and get more talented. But they never reach the position that they deserve [because] the elder push them back.’ In other interviews, many of his peers agreed, with several adding that parents and local authorities often restrict the political activity of their children. One 24-year-old explained that ‘youth can actively participate in social activities, such as health education, free funeral