ASEAN Regional Coalition to #StopDigitalDictatorship
INTERSECTIONAL GENDER
ANALYSIS: LAO PDR (LAOS)
The 1991 Constitution acknowledges the equal rights
of women and men, laying the foundation for gender
equality. However, the Lao constitution fails to explicitly
recognise the equality of the LGBTIQA+ community under
the law, as it does not state that all Lao citizens are
equal in the eyes of the law, irrespective of their sexual
orientation and gender identity. Article 37 unambiguously
excludes LGBTIQA+ individuals by specifying that only
‘both genders’ enjoy economic, social, and cultural rights.
This omission not only reflects a legal gap but also
perpetuates societal discrimination and marginalisation
against LGBTIQA+ individuals.94
Complementing the constitutional mandate on gender
equality, the National Action Plan on Gender Equality
2021−2025 (NAPGE) aims to promote gender equality
and eliminate discrimination. Contrastingly, Laos’
Parliament reflects a disparity in gender representation.
For example, In 2021, the Lao PDR (Laos) had only 21.95%
representation of women in Parliament.95 These rates
have been low for some years, although they are one of
the highest in Southeast Asia. Unlike some neighbouring
countries, Lao PDR (Laos) does not enforce gender
quotas in its national Parliament, contributing to the
persistent underrepresentation of women in political
decision-making processes.
3.3 Access to Effective
Remedy: Outlined
in Law but Routinely
Denied in Practice
The gender composition of Parliament significantly
influences the gender responsiveness of legislation,
including laws about digital freedom, thus warranting
attention to address gender disparities in political
representation.96
Globally, 85% of women reported witnessing digital
violence, and nearly 40% have experienced it personally,
but there is no data of this nature in Lao PDR (Laos).97
While the NAPGE categories violence into physical,
sexual, psychological, and economic forms, digital
violence remains underexplored within Lao PDR (Laos).
The absence of this specific data on digital violence
against women hampers targeted interventions and
policy formulation in this domain. It underscores a
critical gap in addressing gender disparities in digital
spaces because Such data is crucial for policymakers,
advocacy groups, and stakeholders to develop targeted
interventions and policies aimed at addressing and
preventing digital violence against women effectively.98
Interestingly, in Lao PDR (Laos), just 2% of women who
experience violence appeal to legal authorities, although
more than a third of women experience one type of
violence in their life.99 Cultural norms, fear of retaliation,
and distrust in legal mechanisms contribute to this
underreporting, perpetuating a cycle of impunity for
perpetrators and silence for victims. Online Gender-Based
Violence (OGBV) is deeply rooted in discriminatory social
norms, and gender inequality and is often connected to
offline violence.100
However, HRDs and activists who have been
detained and prosecuted for online activities face
barriers in seeking redress as due process, judicial
independence and trial procedures remain a serious
problem. LPRP’s influence on the judiciary as well
as corruption continue to undermine the rule of law
in the country. Due process rights have been denied
Lao people may seek judicial remedy for violations
and appeals processes are often non-existent or
of their rights in a court or an administrative remedy
delayed, sometimes indefinitely. Alarmingly, judges
from the National Assembly. Article 41 of the Lao
often decide guilt or innocence prior to trials on the
Constitution allows people to file complaints and
basis of police or prosecutorial investigation reports,
petitions to the National Steering Committee on Human
despite assurances of presumption of innocence
Rights, under the National Legislative Assembly.
being in place.102
Lao PDR
101
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