The state, the military, and the market: Capture in the new Burmese media landscape vivid example.2 And despite promises in its election manifesto to reform the media sector and introduce an open media market (2015 Election Manifesto), the NLD has been unwilling to surrender the tools it uses to influence public opinion and news content. By retaining the Ministry of Information, as well as a formidable stateowned media, it has continued to limit the space allowed to independent media.3 While there remain many formidable challenges to press freedom in Burma’s political transition, this chapter focuses on one threat that remains relatively neglected— that Burma’s fledgling private media system may end up captured. With the exception of a group of struggling independent media companies—including private national outlets, small local media in the ethnic states and regions, formerly exiled operations, and digital start-ups—the state, the military, and the regime’s business cronies and partners still dominate. And despite the very modest opening up of the broadcast sector through the allocation of digital content channels to five companies in April 2017, capture of that sector is the most extreme (The Irrawaddy 2017). As a result, although there are more media outlets and more independent journalism, the current pattern of media ownership still bears strong resemblance to that of the pre-transition period.4 This chapter uses in-field interviews and observation, media articles, and freedom of expression reports and analysis to examine media capture in the new Burmese media landscape. It argues that the current extent of capture by the state, the military, and their business cronies and partners is undermining efforts to build independent media operations that are resilient and sustainable, and to deliver independent journalism and investigations. This, in turn, is threatening efforts to nurture a free expression and free media environment that promotes government transparency and accountability, open debate, and informed dialogue as the foundation of Burma’s democratic transition. While acknowledging the many determined efforts to build a more open and free media culture in the country, the chapter will show that continued efforts are needed to prevent Burma from becoming yet another lost opportunity. It is a story of a major transition that is laying the groundwork not for democratic media reform, but for far-reaching media capture that undoubtedly will affect the country’s future. Media capture and the state In early 2012, Burma’s quasi-civilian administration began taking concrete steps to increase media freedoms and freedom of expression, including assembly and association. Minister of Information, presidential spokesman, and former soldier Ye Htut—nicknamed the Facebook Minister—drove the reforms.5 The government released thousands of political prisoners, including journalists and writers, and undertook numerous, albeit flawed, media sector reforms, including new laws for print media, broadcasting, and publishing. It lessened content restrictions, including the abolition of pre-publication censorship for print media, opened the digital 61