accessible, which enables only voice calls and limited data transmission 38. This unjust restriction obviously makes it more difficult for the people living in those areas to be well-connected and informed, and an alliance of civil society organisations have demanded the reopening of 3G and 4G Internet 39. Political campaigns over social media platforms were also vulnerable to misinformation and hate speech. Voters and CSOs interviewed by ANFREL observed that political parties attacked each other on social media platforms, particularly on Facebook. Most of the attacks were verbal, with parties calling each other “enemies”. Oft-cited examples include the USDP’s attacks on the NLD for the latter’s hiring of foreigners for development projects in the country, and alleged efforts “to turn Myanmar into a Muslim country”. London-based rights group Burma Human Rights Network, in its report “Digital Hate: Free and Fair for Some: Discrimination and Hate Speech in Burma's General Election Campaign 40”, recorded at least 39 cases of election-related disinformation on social media, including anti-Muslim rhetoric. The posts focused on alleged conspiracies between the ruling NLD and Muslims or Muslim organisations; these included accusations that the NLD favoured Muslims, and mentioned they would allow construction of more mosques and the creation of a Muslim Affairs Ministry. Discriminatory rhetoric from candidates and party members that sought to suppress Muslim voting were also recorded. Michel Kyaw Myint, the general secretary of Yeomanry Development Party, wrote an inflammatory post on social media saying “Dogs should not be allowed to wear a golden belt”, referring to Muslims attempting to take political positions. U Nyn Win, a USDP candidate in Zigone township, Bago region, posted on social media that “Human rights are only for those qualified to be called human beings, not those who do not know how to behave like human beings”. Sanctions have yet been taken by election officials or other authorities regarding these odious instances of hate speech. U Sithu Maung, one of two Muslims candidates aligned by the ruling party, said he was worried that the spread of “fake news” would damage his chances to win. False claims hurled against him on social media include supposed plans to close Buddhist monastic schools and advocate for the teaching of Arabic 41. Campaign Censorship in State-owned Media The Union Election Commission (UEC), in a 23 July notification, allowed political parties to campaign on state-owned radio and televisions from 8 September to 6 November 2020 42. Each party was allocated 15 minutes to broadcast their message. The announcement also said that “the chairperson or the secretary of a certain party shall submit a manuscript for the campaign” and that the UEC will “review the manuscript to be presented as needed and will issue permit or will ask to edit the manuscript before permission”. Additionally, UEC stated that “before the date of shooting, the manuscript will be sent back to the applicant for editing with remarks and reasons, if necessary.” The UEC set the following rules for campaigning on state-owned radio and television which political parties must not violate: 38 https://www.mmtimes.com/news/rakhine-chin-internet-restored-only-2g.html https://www.mmtimes.com/news/14m-people-will-be-affected-internet-shutdown-civil-society-groups-warn.html 40 http://www.bhrn.org.uk/en/component/edocman/digital-hate-free-and-fair-for-some/download.html?Itemid= 41 https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asia/myanmar-election-facebook-hate-speech-rohingyadisinformation-13476412 42 https://www.gnlm.com.mm/permission-for-broadcast-campaigns-of-political-parties/ 39 22