Network Contagion Research Institute Intelligence Report 15 ranked as the fourth most active poster, and official state media @cgtn as the fifth most active poster. The high visibility enjoyed on Instagram and YouTube by either official CCP media sources or affiliated third parties around discussion of “Xinjiang” testifies to the successful cultivation and weaponization of social media assets to again achieve the “seduce and subjugate” pillar of Beijing’s influence doctrine. Figure 9: Pro-China Media Assets on Instagram Engagement Metadata Whereas the first prong of our data analysis shed light on the pro-China bias of TikTok’s search algorithm, engagement metadata analysis14 illuminates which category of content (pro-China vs. anti-China) accrued more engagement (likes and views) from platform users. This allows us to determine not only what category of content was served most frequently, but what category of content was most popular with other users. As has been widely documented by researchers and marketing experts, the initial engagement awarded to videos posted on TikTok (views, full-length plays, likes, comments, shares) influences the extent to which the algorithm exposes the content to successively broader audiences.15 Despite this accepted rule of thumb, our findings point to the opposite conclusion than is suggested by the user journey data presented above, namely that though pro-China content is served up by the TikTok search algorithm much more often, anti-China content appears far more engaging for organic users. 14 See Appendix III for full metadata engagement metrics. In this study, engagement metadata refers to the engagements (views, likes, comments, shares, etc.) awarded to videos analyzed. 15 Klug, D., Qin, Y., Evans, M., Zhang, B., & Zhang, K. (2022). An empirical investigation of personalization factors on TikTok. arXiv. https://ar5iv.labs.arxiv.org/html/2201.12271

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