FREEDOM ON
THE NET 2023
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The Repressive Power
of Artificial Intelligence
Are favorable informal connections with government officials or other powerful actors necessary for online media
outlets, content hosts, or digital platforms (e.g., search engines, email applications, blog-hosting platforms) to be
economically viable?
Does the state limit the ability of online media or other content hosts to accept advertising or investment,
particularly from foreign sources, or does it discourage advertisers from conducting business with disfavored online
media or other content hosts?
Do onerous taxes, regulations, or licensing fees present an obstacle to participation in, establishment of, or
management of digital platforms, news outlets, blogs, or social media groups/channels?
Do ISPs manage network traffic and bandwidth availability in a manner that is transparent, is evenly applied, and does
not discriminate against users or producers of content based on the nature or source of the content itself (i.e., do
they respect “net neutrality” with regard to content)?
7. Does the online information landscape lack diversity and reliability (0–4 points)
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Are people able to access a range of local, regional, and international news sources that convey independent,
balanced views in the main languages spoken in the country?
Do online media outlets, social media pages, blogs, and websites represent diverse interests, experiences, and
languages within society, for example by providing content produced by different ethnic, religious, gender, LGBT+,
migrant, diaspora, and other relevant groups?
Does a lack of competition among digital platforms, content hosts, and other intermediaries undermine the diversity
of information to which people have access?
Does the presence of misinformation undermine users’ ability to access independent, credible, and diverse sources of
information?
Does false or misleading content online significantly contribute to offline harms, such as harassment, property
destruction, physical violence, or death?
If there is extensive censorship, do users employ VPNs and other circumvention tools to access a broader array of
information sources?
8. Do conditions impede individuals’ ability to form communities, mobilize, and campaign online, particularly on
political and social issues? (0–6 points)
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Can people freely participate in civic life online and join online communities based around their political, social, or
cultural identities, including without fear of retribution or harm?
Do civil society organizations, activists, and communities organize online on political, social, cultural, and economic
issues, including during electoral campaigns and nonviolent protests, including without fear of retribution or harm?
Do state or other actors limit access to online tools and websites (e.g., social media platforms, messaging groups,
petition websites) for the purpose of restricting free assembly and association online?
Does the state place legal or other restrictions (e.g. criminal provisions, detentions, surveillance) for the purpose of
restricting free assembly and association online?
C. VIOLATIONS OF USER RIGHTS
(0–40 POINTS)
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Do the constitution or other laws fail to protect rights such as freedom of expression, access to information,
and press freedom, including on the internet, and are they enforced by a judiciary that lacks independence?
(0–6 points)
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40
Does the constitution contain language that provides for freedom of expression, access to information, and press
freedom generally?
Are there laws or binding legal decisions that specifically protect online modes of expression and access to information?
Do executive, legislative, and other governmental authorities comply with these legal decisions, and are these
decisions effectively enforced?
Are online journalists and commentators accorded strong rights and protections to perform their work?
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