Impact on Internet Freedoms Apart from placing the blame for the Rohingya humanitarian crisis on Aung San Suu Kyi alone, BenMenashe, so far, has been trying to present the previous NLD administration as too close to China. Sooner rather than later, Myanmar would then fall into China’s orbit. Given this strategic imperative, the military had stepped in to prevent this scenario from happening (Safi, 2021). 3d. Women While increased internet penetration had allowed for greater connectivity and mobilisation prior to the 2021 coup, women have faced disproportionately more online harassment. They have experienced instances of cyberbullying, cyberstalking, intimidation as well as blackmail through doctored pictures or ‘revenge porn’. For example, a woman reported that a fake Facebook account had been created using her name and phone number that claimed she was selling sexual services. Another woman, upon losing her phone, was told to pay 100,000 kyats for it, or doctored pictures of her would appear online. Seeking legal recourse for such cyber abuse has proved to be ineffective. Due to a lack of digital literacy, district-level approval is required to accept and work on such complaints. The authorities are focused more on social media that defames the military junta or government, rather than acting on instances of individual cybercrime that are deemed as insignificant (Aung, 2016). Women on the Internet Protest Icons Social Media Mobilisation Increased Online Intimidation Women have become key icons in the CDM as their actions are shared on social media. Women share content over social media and mobilise online. Women face increased cyberbullying, intimidation and blackmail that is not adequately dealt with by authorities. The draft Cybersecurity Law, if passed, will pose more problems to women, rather than addressing the challenges women face as mentioned above. This is especially true for Section 30, which needs to be monitored closely, as it states that “The online service provider in Myanmar shall retain the following information from the service users for up to three years from the date of use of the service. (a) Username, Internet Protocol (IP) address, telephone number, identification card number and address of the service users. (b) User record of the service user. (c) Other information as directed by the department”. This section threatens the right to anonymity and thus further exposes women to unsavoury treatment online that has become commonplace. This must be read in conjunction with Section 28, whereby “internet service providers in Myanmar shall ensure the following: (a) The device that stores the users’ information must be kept in a place designated by the ministry. (b) Internet service providers must be registered in accord with the Myanmar company law. (c) Taxes must be paid in accordance with the provisions set forth in relevant laws if it is due to claim any tax relating to the business conducted through internet service or similar profitable business”. The issue of contention here is the requirement to store data in a location designated by the military junta. As the military has been involved in violence against women before and during the coup, their storage of personal data risks disproportionate penalisation of women who already face risks with their increased internet usage. 19