Impact on Internet Freedoms Due to her public criticism of the Tatmadaw, she received threatening messages on her social media accounts, including threats of imprisonment. Though not officially confirmed, rumours have circulated that local authorities have issued a warrant for her arrest (Bracamonte, 2021). In Myanmar, the use of social media platforms by both military personalities and ultraconservatives of the Ma Ba Tha have consistently shown the degree to which social media can be employed to fuel local ethnic conflict and legitimise gross human rights violations. Since the Rohingya genocide intensified in late-2017, the Tatmadaw has engaged in social media manipulation, promoting their own narratives online while discounting critical reports of independent media outlets as 'fake news'. Often, this was done through the social media accounts of its military-run networks or state-owned enterprises. In August 2018, the phenomenon was serious enough that Facebook, facing international condemnation, set up a task force of local fact-checkers to respond to this hate speech and authoritarian disinformation (Financial Times, 2018). In December, Facebook took further action, taking down 425 Facebook pages, 17 Facebook groups, 135 Facebook accounts and 15 Instagram accounts for their links to the Burmese military and for engaging in “coordinated inauthentic behaviour” on its platforms (Warofka, 2018). The move came after the earlier actions in August, when it banned the accounts of Myanmar’s Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces Gen. Min Aung Hlaing and the Tatmadaw’s Myawaddy Television Network, along with 17 other Facebook accounts, 1 Instagram account and 52 Facebook Pages for covertly pushing the military’s propaganda (Reuters, 2018). On 2 February 2021, a day after the coup, the newly appointed Minister of Information issued a public warning that some media outlets “were spreading false rumours and statements which can cause unrest.” In a statement to the Myanmar Press Council, the Ministry of Information instructed the media against using “incorrect words” such as ‘coup’ and referring to the military as a ‘junta’ or ‘regime’, in an attempt to control the narrative surrounding the events of February 2021 (Bangkok Post, 2021). On 9 March 2021, the military moved from public warnings to closing media outlets, ordering five independent media organisations to shut down (7 Day News, Democratic Voice of Burma, Khit Thit News, Mizzima and Myanmar Now). Under the order, media organisations would be deemed to be breaking the law if they continued to “publish or broadcast articles, programmes or reports or transmit messages via social media” (RSF, 2021). On the same date, Myanmar Now’s office also suffered a raid from the authorities, who forced their way into the building, seizing documents and office materials. According to Reportingasean, as of 15 April 2021, a total of 77 journalists have been arrested, 43 of whom remained in custody. Most were charged under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code for causing fear and spreading fake news (Reportingasean, 2021). On the contrary, state-owned broadcast stations Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) as well as militaryrun networks such as Myawaddy Media, Myawaddy TV (MWD) Variety and MWD Myanmar were left unscathed, and have since been regularly used to propagate disinformation, pro-military rhetoric and threats of violence towards peaceful protesters. On 22 February, Facebook took down MRTV and MRTV Live from the platform, citing repeated violations of its community standards. This action came a day after the MRTV broadcaster made veiled physical threats to demonstrators. On 5 March, YouTube took similar action to remove MRTV and the military-owned channels on its platform due to the violation of its community guidelines and applicable laws. The discourse on the 2021 military takeover was not limited to Myanmar per se, but became an international contestation when western nations imposed sanctions on the military personnel and their assets. In a bid to gain better international standing and image, the Tatmadaw hired a former Israeli spy, Ari Ben-Menashe, who had previously worked for Mugabe’s regime in Zimbabwe, to lead a lobbying campaign painting the military regime in a more positive light. 18